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“Korfmacher lucidly dissects fan commentary podcasts teasing out the
relationship between genre and form. In applying literary and media theory,
and providing a rich contextualisation of podcasting research, this book
explores the social and cultural architecture of fan commentary podcasts
through rigorous analyses of the aural mechanics.”
DrDario Llinares, Ravensbourne University, London
Starting from the observation of the ubiquity of fan podcasts engaging in
media commentary, this book explores three fan podcast genres in which
commentary manifests as a structuring form: rewatch and reread podcasts,
recap podcasts, and review podcasts.
The author conducts a formalist genre analysis of these podcasts, close
reading nine case studies to describe how the three genres function and how
dierent fan labour manifests in podcasting. Each case study teases out the
themes, style, and formal constellations of the three podcast genres, shows
how dierent fans activate the aordances of podcasting and commentary,
and reveals the distinct generic functions of the three podcast genres.
This book will be of significant interest to scholars and students in podcast
studies, fan studies, cultural studies and literary studies who are interested in
fan podcasts, podcast genre analysis, and ways of close reading podcasts as
texts.
Anne Korfmacher holds a PhD in English Philology from the University of
Cologne, Germany.
Fan Podcasts
This exciting and innovative series publishes new and cutting‑edge research
on everything fan‑ and fandom‑related. Covering all forms of media, the
series presents new insights into this dynamic subject.
1 Identity, Community, and Sexuality in Slash Fan Fiction
Pocket Publics
Anne Kustritz
2 Fan Podcasts
Rewatch, Recap, Review
Anne Korfmacher
Routledge Advances in Fan and Fandom Studies
Fan Podcasts
Rewatch, Recap, Review
Anne Korfmacher
First published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 Anne Korfmacher
The right of Anne Korfmacher to be identified as author of this
work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing‑in‑Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑72194‑1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑72197‑2 (pbk)
ISBN: 978‑1‑032‑72200‑9 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781032722009
Typeset in Sabon
by codeMantra
To my family
Contents
List of Tables xi
Acknowledgements xiii
1 Introduction 1
2 The Aordances of the Commentary Form 35
3 Rewatch and Reread Podcasts: The Return to the Text 59
4 Recap Podcasts: The Co‑construction of the Text 111
5 Review Podcasts: The Evaluation of the Text 163
6 Conclusion: Paying Attention to Form 211
Index 221
1.1 Case Studies 23
2.1 Fan Commentary Podcast Segmentation 53
3.1 Recurring Segments of The Fawlty Towers Podcast 64
3.2 Recurring Segments of Gilmore Guys 79
3.3 Recurring Segments of The Gayly Prophet 96
4.1 Recurring Segments of The Big Blue Box Podcast 115
4.2 Recurring Segments of DumTeeDum 132
4.3 Recurring Segments of Sistah Speak: Queen Sugar 147
5.1 Recurring Segments of The Sword and Laser 168
5.2 Recurring Segments of That’s Canon Podcast 185
5.3 Recurring Segments of Films on Trial 198
Tables
This book is based on the author’s PhD thesis, accepted by the Faculty of Arts
and Humanities of the University of Cologne, Germany, in 2023.
Acknowledgements
DOI: 10.4324/9781032722009-1
Podcasting oers a highly participatory space for fan work to thrive and has
led to the creation of a great number of new native podcast genres. Fan pod‑
casts engaging in media commentary are especially proliferating, comment‑
ing on texts through rewatching, rereading, recapping, and reviewing them.
With podcasting no longer a fringe cultural phenomenon but an increasingly
formalised and monetised medium, it is time to systematically consider these
fan commentary podcasts which have yet to see extended analysis despite
embodying the democratic promises of podcasting’s DIY roots. Consumer
statistics over the last years describe rising podcast listener numbers world‑
wide, as popular podcasts are being acquired and monetised by platforms
such as Spotify and Audible, while small independent productions continue
to cultivate audiences in podcasting’s long tail with its “niches by the thou‑
sands, genre within genre within genre” (C. Anderson). Among these niche
productions are fan podcasts which have seen significant growth in fan com‑
munities due to podcasting retaining “ample room for amateurism and thus
fandom” in the face of corporate consolidation (McGregor, “Yer a Reader,
Harry” 368–69). This space for fan work in podcasting can be traced to
the medium’s technological aordances and the cultural practices that en‑
act them which include, most prominently, its time‑and place‑shifted serial
audio dissemination (Sterne etal.; Meserko, “Standing Upright”), its claims
to (hyper‑)intimacy (Euritt; Copeland; Tulley; Berry, “Part of the Establish‑
ment”; Meserko, “Standing Upright”; Murray; Swiatek; Collins), authen‑
ticity (Meserko, “The Pursuit of Authenticity”; Groß; Mottram), and its
accessibility and participatory potential (Berry, “Will the iPod”; Llinares,
“Podcasting as Liminal Praxis”; Sullivan, “Podcast Movement”; Collins;
Groß; Markman). Together, they provide a productive environment for fans
to produce transformative works: creative and critical engagements with
dierent media texts.
As early as 2006, fan scholar Kristina Busse described these
‘fannish’ podcasts [that] may include reviews, commentary, and even
creative responses such as audio plays and recorded fan fiction; they
range from near professional productions mimicking ocial podcasts
to very personal one‑on‑one reactions […]. (Busse)
1 Introduction
2 Introduction
These fan podcasts have garnered scholarly attention in recent years and
a select handful have already been discussed in fan and podcast scholar‑
ship as instances of fan work, including most prominently the Harry Potter
rewatch podcasts Harry Potter and the Sacred Text, Potterless and Witch,
Please (McGregor, “Yer a Reader, Harry”; see also Cheshire), the Lost recap
podcast The Transmission (Graves), Gilmore Guys, a Gilmore Girls rewatch
podcast (Petersen; Benson), the Friends rewatch podcast Best of Friends
(Savit), and a number of podcasts with Game of Thrones recap elements, in‑
cluding FiyaStarter, The Black Guy Who Tips, and Black Girl Nerds (Florini,
“Enclaving and Cultural Resonance”).
What unites these fan podcasts is that they are hosted by two or more peo‑
ple and characterised by popular commentary on their favourite media texts.
The rise of popular commentary has itself become a kind of popular culture
over the last decades and seems to be reaching “some kind of singularity–a
collapse of creativity and criticism into one” (S. Anderson). Manifestations of
this type of commentary can be found as popular reviews, television recaps,
and opinion pieces across dierent media platforms, in online news publica‑
tions, print media, internet forums, and dedicated fan discussion boards on‑
line, but also increasingly on YouTube as so‑called “commentary channels”
and in podcasting (see McDaniel on YouTube recaps and popular music reac‑
tion videos). As Sam Ford writes, “the Internet’s concentrated niche spaces
that are nevertheless public gave fans unprecedented ability to create their
own texts that are based on their reception of the show through public com‑
mentaries and discussions” ([7.2]). In fan podcasts, this commentary engages
with texts “scene‑by‑scene, almost line‑by‑line” (“Introducing The Fawlty
Towers Podcast”), spanning a range of narrative media texts, including TV
shows, books, films, comic books, games, radio drama, and even other fan
work such as fanfiction.
Similar to other new media (platforms) such as YouTube, podcast organi‑
sation lacks the focus and cultural control of traditional media, creating “a
melting pot of content where traditional genre conventions in many ways are
inadequate” (Simonsen 73). Both YouTube and podcasting are characterised
by “categories” (for podcasts, e.g., on apps and recommendation lists online)
that juxtapose content by wildly dierent producers and with dierent for‑
mats. One website lists “Society and Culture” as a category with “a few little
sub‑genres” including “Best Podcasts for Travel”, “Best Podcast for Moms”,
and “The 10 Best Podcasts for Getting Over a Breakup” (“Dierent Pod‑
cast Genres”), while another mentions “News and Politics” and “Health” as
popular podcast genres, among “Business”, “Comedy”, and the aforemen‑
tioned “Society and culture” (Legg). These broad, thematic categorisations
view form(at) as distinct from genre (here: content) and do not map out
the variety of podcasts that engage with the topics in distinct ways. A more
productive way of making sense of podcast genres, I argue, is by consider‑
ing them through both their themes and underlying forms, recognising the
underlying patterns that structure them.
Introduction 3
Starting from the observation of the ubiquity of fan podcasts engaging in
media commentary, this book explores how commentary manifests as a form
in three fan podcast genres: (1) rewatch and reread podcasts, (2) recap pod‑
casts, and (3) review podcasts. To explore the three fan commentary podcast
genres, I consider podcasts as a distinct medium whose mediality comes to
bear on the genres’ formal arrangements in the form of aordances enacted
through cultural practice. Dario Llinares defines podcasting as a medium as
follows, which I have adopted as my working definition in this book:1
Podcasting is a concert of technologies activated through a specific con‑
figuration of practices (audio production, systems managements, listen‑
ing consumption, marketing and sharing), the outcome of which is a
socio‑cultural‑aesthetic phenomenon that communicates information
and organizes experience: a medium. (“‘Podcast Studies’” 415)
I analyse these fan podcasts with a focus on their commentary which
manifests in distinct generic constellations; throughout the book, I thus refer
to podcasts from all three genres as fan commentary podcasts. Analysing
these podcasts, this book addresses three questions: (a) how do fans activate
podcasting’s aordances and how does the commentary form structure this
fan work in podcasting, (b) what are the functions of the three fan commen‑
tary genres, and (c) what can a new formalist methodology contribute to an
analysis of podcasts and podcast genres? To answer these questions, I use
Caroline Levine’s strategic formalism to conduct a new formalist analysis,
a methodological approach that has emerged from a literary studies context
but can be productively applied to other media. An approach to fan podcasts
through strategic formalism helps trace how fans interact with their source
texts, focusing on the intersecting forms that demarcate dierent fan podcast
genres.
As podcast studies is emerging as a global field of study, it invites multifac‑
eted scholarship, mirroring the medium’s own diversity (McGregor, “Podcast
Studies”). Approaching podcasts from a literary and cultural studies perspec‑
tive, this book draws on theoretical insights from both fan studies and the
emerging podcast studies to study a range of dierent fan podcasts and their
textual commentary. Both areas of research are themselves multidisciplinary:
fan studies emerged from and is still firmly situated in cultural and media
studies and engages with a range of other disciplines, including most promi‑
nently audience studies, ethnography, psychology, and literary studies. Pod‑
cast studies evolved from a radio studies context and is still emerging as its
own field of study, drawing primarily on media and sound studies, communi‑
cations, educational studies, and cultural studies. Introducing Caroline Lev‑
ine’s “strategic formalism” to the study of podcasts, I analyse fan podcasts
with a cultural studies‑informed new formalism, studying these fan podcasts
as texts (“Strategic Formalism”). While podcasting booms and fan activities
become increasingly visible in mainstream media, fan podcasts have not been
4 Introduction
extensively researched in either field, letalone considered through a formal‑
ist lens. This book addresses the current lack of systematic research into fan
podcasts, and podcast genres more generally, by considering three fan pod‑
cast genres through their aesthetic and social formal structures. One of its
main contributions to podcast studies, then, is constituted by its formalist
methodology to conduct the analyses. This, I demonstrate, is a productive
approach to study podcasts as cultural texts, thereby modelling ways of ana‑
lysing podcasts from a literary and cultural studies perspective, and in turn
expanding the purview of several interrelated fields of study.
As a fairly young and so far undisciplined field of research, podcasting
has drawn academic interest in the wake of the medium’s growing popularity
since its coinage by journalist Ben Hammersley in 2004 (Hammersley) and
its widely accepted watershed moment around the launch of Apple’s native
podcast app and the publication of the true crime sensation Serial in 2014
(Berry, “Part of the Establishment” 662; Sterne etal.). As the medium has
come into its own in terms of content, technology, and reach, its industry
becomes more complex due to professionalisation, monetisation, as well as
platformisation (Sullivan, “The Platforms of Podcasting”; Sullivan, Podcast‑
ing in a Platform Age). Podcast studies research has evolved and shifted ac‑
cordingly, moving from an initial interest in the educational and business
uses of podcasting (Drew; Campbell) and studies on podcast user motivation
(McClung and Johnson; Markman; Markman and Sawyer; Samuel‑Azran
et al.; Chan‑ Olmsted and Wang), to include approaches considering pod‑
casting’s production, consumption, dissemination and formalisation (i.a.,
Llinares etal.; Spinelli and Dann; Lindgren and Loviglio). With its origins
in radio studies, media studies research has dominated podcast research over
the last two decades and has primarily been concerned with podcasting’s on‑
tology and dierentiation from radio (Llinares, “‘Podcast Studies’”).
So far, a small but growing number of studies explicitly aimed at consider‑
ing podcasting as a new medium have been published (Llinares etal.; Spinelli
and Dann; McHugh, The Power of Podcasting; Euritt) as well as several ded‑
icated journal special issues (in Popular Communication, Journal of Radio &
Audio Media, PS: Political Science & Politics, Participations and Gender
Studies) and a number of collections on specific podcasts or podcasting (and
radio) (McCracken; Weinstock; Morris and Hoyt; Lindgren and Loviglio;
McDonald and Chignell; see also McMurtry; Bottomley, Sound Streams).
Especially the Routledge Companion to Radio and Podcast Studies and the
forthcoming Bloomsbury podcast studies book series (McGregor, “Podcast
Studies”) indicate the establishment of podcasting as a recognisable medium
over the last years and the emergence of podcast studies as a growing field
of study.
The mainstreaming of podcasts has increased the number of podcast lis‑
teners becoming audio producers themselves, highlighting the amateur and
DIY roots of the medium. Defining the emerging field of podcast studies for
the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Literature and stressing the tendency
Introduction 5
of podcast consumers to turn producers, Hannah McGregor illustrates that
this development is reflected in the emergence of new genres in podcasting
(“Podcast Studies”). Specifically, she points to the coexistence of remediated
(radio) genres, such as radio dramas, and native genres which are “unique to
the medium, emerging from its distinctive style and aordances” (McGregor,
“Podcast Studies”). These podcast genres have seen some interest in podcast
scholarship, in particular true crime and its largely female audience (Boling;
van Driel; Greer; McCracken), audio fiction genres such as narrative nonfic‑
tion (Waldmann), crafted audio storytelling (McHugh, “How Podcasting”)
and horror podcasts (Hancock; Hancock and McMurtry, “‘Cycles upon Cy‑
cles’”), so‑called CHIPs: “Comedian Hosted Interview Podcasts” (Collins),
and educational podcasts (Drew). Christopher Drew aptly notes that it is
with its “unique constellation of aordances and cultural practices, [that]
podcasting has attracted a vast spectrum of producers and consumers engag‑
ing with unique genre‑texts” (203). It is these producers and consumers, as
well as the genres’ characteristics, that podcast scholars interested in genre
are mostly concerned with (McGregor, “Podcast Studies”).
As the list of studies hints at, the approaches to the study of genre in
podcast studies are varied. They have, so far, included audience reception
studies such as qualitatively examining podcast listeners (Boling), corpus‑
assisted discourse analysis of listener reviews (van Driel), as well as analyses
focussed on industry discussion of/interviews about the audio storytelling
genre (McHugh, “How Podcasting”; McHugh, The Power of Podcasting).
Other scholars oer text‑based genre analysis focusing on, for instance,
media‑conscious narratological analysis of audio fiction novels (Waldmann),
or an attention to narration, structure, and live theatrical performance in
horror podcasts (Hancock), including a concern for how podcasting’s audio
form, technology, and mediation create new forms of horror (Hancock and
McMurtry, “‘Cycles upon Cycles’”). Others yet focus on the tone and content
of CHIPS as a subgenre of comedian‑hosted podcasts (Collins), the analysis
of the female acousmetre in true crime podcasts (Greer), or a more system‑
atic “‘move‑step’ approach” to conduct a three‑level analysis of educational
podcast genres (Drew). While some podcast genre analyses have considered
both thematic and formal characteristics to trace the emergence of native and
remediated genres, genre distinction remains largely unsystematic in podcast
discourse and often focuses on content and/or matters of representation over
an attention to aesthetics or form. McGregor’s enumeration of other popular
genres in podcasting–“politics, sports, culture, self‑help, comedy, science,
history, and interviews”, “culture roundtables, long‑ form interviews, and
documentaries” and “chatcasts” (McGregor, “Podcast Studies”)–highlights
the breadth of podcast productions but is also symptomatic of the conflation
of theme/content, format and genre in categorising podcasts.
What is more, despite the growing number of forays into the study of
podcast genres over the last few years, many of the unique genre‑texts which
are aorded by the medium and the cultural practices that enact them have
6 Introduction
not been systematically addressed in podcast studies research. Many podcast‑
native genres such as fan podcasts are non‑narrative, free‑form, and produced
by creators who are not audio professionals (the same applies to many true
crime podcasts and CHIPs). While the majority of podcasts are unscripted
conversations between multiple hosts – often classified as “chumcasts” or
“chatcasts”–these podcasts have been largely side‑lined in podcast research
as a whole (Spinelli and Dann 4). Most often produced by amateur podcast‑
ers and oering a more casual and accessible format for first‑time producers,
fans are drawn to this conversational format. By considering fan podcasts,
then, this project also responds to Martin Spinelli and Lance Dann’s call for
“more systematic examinations of amateur podcasting” (15) and chumcasts.
Research into fan podcasts and fan podcast genres is slowly gaining trac‑
tion but remains an emergent topic in podcast research at large. As early as
2006, two years after the term podcast was coined, Busse recognised the pro‑
liferation and cultural relevance of fan podcasts (Busse). These fan podcasts,
as Kris M. Markman’s study of Pro‑Ams (professional amateurs) in podcast‑
ing highlights, have raised scholarly interest since the early‑ to mid‑2000s
and have thus featured in the margins of podcasting research for the last two
decades (Markman). Despite Markman’s observation in 2011 of two distinct
studies addressing these fan productions (Dirient; Ruddock etal.), however,
most academic interest at the intersection of fandom and podcasting has cen‑
tred on podcast fan communities, that is fan audiences of popular podcasts
such as Welcome to Night Vale (Weinstock; Hart; Włodarczyk and Tymin‑
ska), and ocially produced podcasts for the consumption of fans (Kompare;
Owen). In other words, scholarly interest has favoured fan engagement with
podcasts instead of fan podcasts as objects of study themselves. This gap in
the research has also been identified by Lauren Savit, who specifically notes
that “little scholarship exists that considers both the practice of podcasting
itself as a kind of fan behavior and podcasts as objects of fandom simultane‑
ously” ([1.1]). This is compounded by the fact that, in general, fan studies
is known to privilege certain kinds of fan engagement, especially fanfiction
(Williams 189) and “single TV series, singular fan cultures, or singular media
(‘TV fans’ versus ‘cinephiles’)” (Hills). In other words, even in fan studies,
podcasts as fan work have been largely side‑lined.
So far, then, few articles tackle podcasts made by fans about their objects
of fascination and those that do mostly consider “singular” instances of fan
labour, focusing on specific fan cultures and/or case studies (see Graves; Rud‑
dock et al.; Cheshire; Dirient; Petersen). The articles most relevant for a
discussion of the fan commentary podcast genres at hand are McGregor’s
(auto)ethnographic analysis of Harry Potter reread podcasts (“Yer a Reader,
Harry”), Sarah Florini’s analysis of Black Game of Thrones recap podcasts
and Nicholas Benson’s article on the Gilmore Guys podcast as “urtext of
rewatch podcasts” (16), which are further complemented by Savit’s work
on the fan labour of what she broadly refers to as “episodic TV podcast[s]”
([1.1]). McGregor’s, Florini’s, and Benson’s articles provide a first insight into
Introduction 7
specific fan podcast genres, even though their foci remain on singular fan
communities: Harry Potter, Black Games of Thrones fandom, and Gilmore
Girls, respectively. Both McGregor and Florini stress the community‑ building
aspects of these podcasts; McGregor draws attention to the common fan
practice of rereading in the Harry Potter fandom, and Florini emphasises
the enclaved nature of Black Game of Thrones fan podcasts that provide a
place of normative Blackness within White and often discriminatory fandom
spaces.2 Benson, writing about Gilmore Guys, uses fan survey responses to
argue that the podcast blurs the lines between old and new media, as well as
network‑era and post‑network‑era consumption practices. Zooming out to
consider “episodic TV podcasts” more broadly, Savit uses the case study of
the Best of Friends podcast to argue that “the work of podcast hosts is part
of a lineage of digital fan labor, rendering episodic TV podcasts as a kind of
fannish object” ([1.4]). This is the point from which this book launches its
intervention into the study of podcast genres and fan podcasts as fannish
objects that actively respond to, discuss, and transform a variety of media
texts through their systematic commentary. McGregor, Florini, Benson and
Savit’s analyses are first forays into categorising the three dierent genres of
fan podcasts that I consider in more detail in this book.
Academic work on fannish objects, which draws on fan studies as an
“undisciplined discipline” (Ford qtd. in Hannell [2.2]) with multi‑ if not in‑
terdisciplinary aspirations, is open to a broad range of methodologies. The
same applies to the emerging field of podcast studies, which is still fairly
undisciplined and highly productive in this broad orientation, even though
podcasting research often remains within conventional media studies frame‑
works. Podcast research can be productively expanded through theoretical
and methodological insights from other disciplines, including, I propose, the
turn to new formalism in literary and cultural studies which reintroduced
attention to form alongside cultural and political concerns in the study of lit‑
erary and non‑literary texts. This renewed focus on formalist methodologies
highlights the specific contribution of literary and cultural studies to matters
beyond the disciplines through a heightened focus on forms and what they
do in dierent texts and oers what Funk, Huber, etal. call a turn to a more
“systematic” method of reading (5–6).
Literary studies, in turn, can benefit from this book by expanding the
range of medial texts considered in the discipline. With increasingly broad
definitions of literature and the prevalent interest in and overlap with cultural
studies concerns, literary studies scholars have embraced the study of film,
television, comics, and other audio‑visual texts. So far, there have been only
cursory attempts at analysing podcasts in literary studies (see e.g., Waldmann;
Gill), however, even though contemporary literary studies “in the broadest
sense”, for example, as defined by The British Association for Contemporary
Literary Studies (BACLS), comprises “written, visual, performative and au‑
dible texts” (“About BACLS”). A genre analysis according to Levine is pro‑
ductive in drawing out specific characteristics of texts that share underlying
8 Introduction
themes and structures. It recognises the social and aesthetic patterns that
unify fan podcasts engaged in dierent manifestations of media commentary
but also generates insights into the relationality of the forms structuring the
distinct genres.
Tracing “Podcastness”
In 2018, Richard Berry argued that “we know a podcast when we hear one”
(“‘Just Because’” 26), highlighting the elusiveness of defining “podcastness”
(“Mapping Podcasts”). As a portmanteau of broadcasting and Apple’s port‑
able audio‑player, the now‑defunct iPod (Kleinman), podcasting’s origins
are both heavily branded while simultaneously promising a possible alter‑
native to “the vice‑grip of commercial broadcasting” (Sterne et al.). Even
though Apple and its audio platform iTunes were instrumental in transition‑
ing podcasting into the mainstream, hosting a majority of podcasts in the
early 2000s, the company never succeeded in trademarking the term. Indeed,
Jonathan Sterne etal. argued in 2008 that podcasting might be considered
“the realisation of an alternate cultural model of broadcasting” instead of a
distinct medium in its own right, retaining elements from traditional broad‑
casting while oering more freedom to its producers (Sterne etal.). Coined in
2004, “podcasting” initially did not seem to describe a new distinct medium
at all but simply the specific delivery mechanism of MP3 files via RSS 2.0
(Really Simple Syndication) for later playback, which subsequently became
the standardised term and definition for the first generation of podcasters
(Sterne etal.).
Ten years after the term’s coinage, around 2014, podcasting finally seemed
to have reached general popularity after remaining outside the media main‑
stream for a decade, rapidly seeing an increase in podcasts being produced
and downloaded (“The Infinite Dial 2020”). This phenomenon has been
widely credited to the first true crime podcast sensation Serial (Hancock and
McMurtry, “I Know What a Podcast Is” 81–82), which was published by
This American Life in December 2014 and became the most listened to pod‑
cast at the time (Berry, “Part of the Establishment” 665) with more than five
million iTunes downloads (Dredge). Sparking the supposed “golden age” of
podcasting (Murray 3; see also Berry, “A Golden Age of Podcasting?”), Se‑
rial’s success seemed to inspire other creators, many following in its footsteps
and publishing “post‑Serial podcast thrillers” (Hancock and McMurtry, “I
Know What a Podcast Is” 81). However, Sarah Murray also points out that
this “hype” around podcasting’s golden age is more likely due to the me‑
dium’s “imprecise industry with an open market feel” (3). The progressive
mainstreaming of podcasting as a phenomenon in the early to mid‑2010s was
uniquely facilitated by several factors, summarised by Murray as including
[…] the democratization of producerly tools, the onset of sharing econo‑
mies, widespread mobile connectivity, the smoothing out of ownership
Introduction 9
rights for digital streaming of radio, and a demand for content with
high production values. (3)
This confluence of factors has also been discussed by Sterne et al. who,
tracing podcasting’s origins, point to similar factors or “conditions of possibil‑
ity” that facilitated the emergence and subsequent boom in podcasting. These
include cheaper audio production hardware and software, Apple’s audio plat‑
form iTunes (now Apple Podcasts), devices for playback (such as MP3 players
and smartphones), “increased broadband uptake, and an amplified appetite
for producing and consuming amateur audio content” (Sterne etal.).
Podcasting’s increasing popularity over the last 20 years is, thus, often
traced to its technological aordances which facilitate the emergence of new
producers, new content, new genres, and innovative practices in alternative
audio broadcasting. In technological terms, “on the surface”, a podcast is de‑
fined through its RSS origins as a digital automatic download of serialised
audio files to personal devices via the internet (Llinares etal. 5). Though also
widely available for manual download (Drew 202), increasingly disseminated
without the use of RSS (e.g., via proprietary apps such as Spotify or as video
podcasts on YouTube), and hidden behind paywalls via companies like Audi‑
ble and Luminary (Berry, “Mapping Podcasts”), podcasting remains tied to
RSS and the cultural practices enacting its technological aordances. The most
often‑invoked aordances of podcasting, which are based on the medium’s
underlying technologies, and which are activated in social practices around
podcasting, include the following, which I return to over the course of the
book. They are not exhaustive but illustrate some of the aordances that make
podcasting attractive and productive for fans engaging in media commentary.
Podcasting’s time‑ and place‑shifted serial audio dissemination caters
towards popular on‑demand binge‑consumption behaviour and aords
user agency
Listeners can decide both when and where to listen to the podcasts they
have subscribed to, making podcasting “beholden to the labour of choice”
(Llinares, “Podcasting as Liminal Praxis” 128). This option for podcast lis‑
teners to time‑shift has been noted as vital for podcasting’s identity as “an
asynchronous medium” (Meserko, “Standing Upright” 24; see also Sterne
etal.), allowing a flexibility of listening that matches current streaming con‑
sumption habits (Hancock and McMurtry 86). Regular automatic down‑
loads via RSS facilitate the creation of complex plots and the development
of serialised narratives or formats, such as regular commentary episodes
that follow the unfolding of a currently running TV show. Because of the
regular downloads aorded by RSS technology, serialisation has come to be
expected by podcast listeners (Sterne etal.) and even divorced from RSS dis‑
tribution, seriality structures all podcast texts. Podcasting’s seriality reflects
the prevalence of seriality in contemporary popular culture at large and can
10 Introduction
heighten aective relationships to texts and encourage recipients and espe‑
cially fans to become creative participants in an unfolding story, operating
as “agents of narrative continuation” (Kelleter 13). Podcast seriality invites
podcast listeners to become involved in the show’s progress, leading to loyal
fan communities and “participatory audience[s]” forming around podcasts
and their hosts (Groß 371).
Podcasting’s premium on the human voice through aural
communicationand practices activating this potential of sound–like
headphone listening and at‑home recording–aord intimate and
authentic aective listening experiences
All files disseminated as podcasts highlight the human voice, music, and
other soundwork. Copeland stresses the aural nature of podcasting and its
“possibilities for a deep aective experience for both the creator and the lis‑
tener” (209). Alyn Euritt highlights in particular the intimacy of podcasting
by arguing that “podcasting describes itself by talking, in large part, about its
intimacy” (17). Euritt posits that “podcasting defines intimacy as a relation
that is close in time and/or space” and reiterates how intimacy is culturally
and historically contingent (1, 21). Intimacy is an aordance of podcast‑
ing that is constantly (re)negotiated by its producers, hosts, and listeners,
through the practices that define what it means for podcasting to be spatially
or temporally ‘close’ at any given moment. Berry even describes podcasting
as “hyper‑intima[te]” (“Part of the Establishment” 666), which can be traced
to both the sense that voices are perceived as embodied and aectively close,
as well as multiple production and consumption practices that foster a sense
of closeness and familiarity among producers and listeners. Production prac‑
tices that have been noted to foster intimate connections between podcasters
and their listeners include, most prominently, recording set‑ups that stress
the amateur and DIY origins of podcasting. Many independent podcasters,
especially fan podcasters, record their episodes from the comfort of their own
homes instead of professional recording studios (Meserko, “Standing Up‑
right” 25). Kathleen Collins similarly expresses that “informal conversations
on podcasts tend to be far less structured or planned and more spontaneous,
intimate and confessional than traditional broadcast interviews” (232), while
Murray argues that intimacy is established through both “what is talked
about and how” (10).
The medium’s DIY aesthetics are not only said to foster a greater sense
of intimacy, but they are also, according to Sullivan, a “uniquely authentic
form of cultural expression” due to the pervasive “discourse of entrepre‑
neurialism” surrounding its practice (“Podcast Movement” 42, 41). Mot‑
tram posits that podcasting is unique among aural broadcasting because it
undermines the otherwise prevalent Western (male) aesthetic of having to
sound authoritative (63). Her study finds that a sense of authenticity in pod‑
casting is achieved by podcasters who host ‘as themselves’, that is, quoting an
interviewee, “without any aspect of one’s personality and presentation style,
including one’s voice, being ‘put‑on for the recording device’” (Mottram 54).
Introduction 11
Here, gender overlaps with other embodied identity‑forms and forms of sub‑
jectivity, intimacy, and authenticity in constellations that create new spaces
for more diverse voices. Overlapping and colliding with concepts of truth
and authenticity, podcasting intimacy has also been described as a “false
sense of intimacy”, which Collins posits as an eect of what Donald Hor‑
ton and Richard Wohl have termed “parasocial interaction” (Hutchby 12).
While podcast listeners are addressed “as part of a familiar collective” (Han‑
cock 222), and thus listening to a podcast can become “akin to the practice
of checking in with friends” (Piper 48), Tulley emphasises that listeners can‑
not respond directly to the hosts “within the confines of the podcast” (264).
Fan commentary podcasts, for instance, usually only feature the voices and
opinions of the handful of fans who are hosting or guesting on the podcast,
while other fan voices are relegated to listener response segments. Intimacy
and authenticity are not inherent qualities of podcasting, then, but relational
aordances that need to be activated by users through their socio‑cultural
practices.
Podcasting’s open‑source technologies allow its users a great
degree ofaccessibility and freedom, aording podcast producers
independenceand consumers agency
Podcasting seems open to all and has therefore been described as a uniquely
accessible medium that “does away with scarcity entirely – even if access
to its tools are still much easier for those with access to large institutions
or first‑world incomes” (Sterne etal.). This accessibility is due in large part
to readily available and free software such as the editing software Audac‑
ity, the open‑source RSS technology that draws “extensively” on blogging
(Berry, “Will the iPod” 151), as well as podcasting’s easy access for consum‑
ers via an ever‑growing selection of, mostly free and non‑exclusive, podcast
apps. In terms of distribution framework (RSS) and early amateur aesthetic,
podcasting is thus often compared to blogs–also called “proto‑podcasts”
(Bottomley, “Podcast Archaeology” 40)–which oer similar aordances to
their users (Sterne etal.; Markman 562; Berry, “Will the iPod” 153; Murray
7). This accessibility via open‑source technology sets podcasting apart from
other audio broadcasting. Podcasting’s use of open‑source technology has
led to a “lack of mediating factors (producers, editors, corporate policies,
etc.)” (Berry, “‘Just Because’” 25) and thus allows a wide range of margin‑
alised and not previously institutionally supported groups to broadcast their
ideas. These groups include fan communities that, while not unanimously
marginalised, tend to have less access to broadcasting technologies than the
industries whose texts they creatively respond to.
This accessibility has been framed as freedom for podcasters, freedom
“from disciplinary regimes and traditions, and from sanctioned modes of
communication and knowledge production” (Llinares, “Podcasting as Limi‑
nal Praxis” 125) and independence from the mainstream (Berry, “Mapping
Podcasts”). Podcasting’s focus on authenticity invites more diverse voices into
the broadcasting space, which is further facilitated by the lack of restrictions
12 Introduction
on podcast production (Tie and Homann 117). Tie and Homann point to‑
wards voices occupying space like physical bodies and argue that marginalised
bodies and voices are generally aorded less space in both regards (116). This is
reiterated by Llinares, who writes that “[f]or female podcasters, the politics of
the voice is urgent as it links to a potential for podcasting to challenge gender
hierarchies in media” (“Podcasting as Liminal Praxis” 139). This can also be
expanded to include otherwise marginalised communities that have found or
created niche spaces in podcasting, including LGBTQIA+, BiPoC, and Indig‑
enous communities, all of which intersect with various fan communities (see,
for instance, Fox; Sulimma; and King and Sanquist). Podcasting’s accessibility,
its autonomy for producers, and agency for consumers have led to characterisa‑
tions of podcasting as inhabiting the “status of a uniquely democratic medium”
(Sullivan, “Podcast Movement” 45). This status as a democratic medium is
facilitated by podcasting’s social media integration (Spinelli and Dann 12),
making podcasting “emblematic of participatory culture” and contributing to
convergence processes (Markman 560). Podcasts allow a wide range of com‑
munities and individuals to produce content on a fairly level playing field and
to thus participate in public discourse. This is especially useful for fans because
they constitute very productive audiences known to not only want to create a
meaningful culture within their communities but also have “the desire to engage
in larger conversations that impact the culture” (Jenkins qtd. in Scott xxxviii).
As one of the groups of content producers making up the long tail of
podcasting, fans are creating podcasts in response to, inspired by, and cre‑
atively transforming media texts, including cult television, current films,
long‑running soaps, and fandom behemoths such as the Harry Potter series.
Not unlike podcasting, fan cultures have moved into the mainstream (Scott
xv) and fandom is more and more considered a “common and ordinary
aspect of everyday life” (Sandvoss 3). This is reiterated by Jonathan Gray,
Cornel Sandvoss and C. Lee Harrington who note the impact of changing
communication technologies on this development and describe fandom as
“an ever more integral aspect of lifeworlds” (6). Podcasts contribute to the
mainstreaming of fan cultures because they normalise what Busse refers to as
“previously exclusive” fan practices:
Podcasts open up a dense textual network that surrounds, comments
on, and complements television programming [and other media texts],
creating a shifting context in which ocially produced texts and viewer
responses connect and coexist. (Busse)
At once part of the long tail of podcast production and increasingly mov‑
ing into mainstream sensibility, fans occupy growing spaces in podcasting,
with some podcasts–often those engaging in a form of commentary– gaining
sizeable fandoms of their own and the hosts becoming fandom celebrities.
Introduction 13
Fan Commentary and/as Amateur Criticism
Fans are known to transform media texts, critically engage with them, textu‑
ally rework and amplify their objects of aection, and thereby create new
texts through analysis, interpretation, discussion, theorisation, and creative
expansion. Trying to make sense of these various online and oine forms
of fan interaction with texts, Sam Ford categorises them into seven distinct
forms of engagement: “fan discussion, fan criticism, fan theory, fan per‑
formance, fan community building, fan proselytizing, and fan archiving”
([8.2]). The inherent overlap and intersection of these forms in practice, and
the common blurring of terminology on criticism, make narrow definitions
of the forms of fan work in fan podcasts and beyond challenging. Media
and communication scholars Nete Nørgaard Kristensen and Unni From ob‑
serve this terminological complexity and note that “the practice of cultural
criticism is presently performed in multifarious ways by a variety of agents,
labelled by a range of overlapping terms: intellectuals, experts, cultural crit‑
ics, reviewers, cultural journalists, commentators, pundits, opinion makers,
arbiters of taste, etc.” (856). Fans who produce podcasts to talk about dier‑
ent media texts occupy many of these roles, often simultaneously depending
on the specific manifestation and aim of their commentary.
Fans’ transformative textual work might seem at first glance to be pre‑
dominantly located in online spaces but is, to this day, closely tied to oine
fan communication and practices which often predate the aordances of the
internet. Ford, talking about fan discussion about television soaps, takes into
account that fans’ “online practices have roots in the oine communities
that preceded them” and notes that fan conversations about media texts,
similar to the discussions in fan podcasts, have existed long before the emer‑
gence of the internet and related technologies ([3.1]). He argues that scholars
engaging with fans need to recognise the continuities of fan productivity, be
it textual, enunciative, semiotic, or a mixture thereof, to understand current
fan interaction and discussion online–on websites, discussion forums, or the
increasingly popular “podcasts featuring in‑depth discussion, criticism, and
theory” (Ford [8.4]).
Among the fan genres most closely related to fan commentary podcasts and
which emerged before the internet are so‑called “zines”–“amateur magazines
written and edited and published by the fans themselves” (McLaughlin52).
Originated in the science fiction fandom of the 1930–1940s, (fan)zines high‑
light particular franchises, media, or genres and, Thomas McLaughlin argues,
“give fans of specific pop culture texts the opportunity to speak out of their
own expertise” (52). These fan‑published magazines mirror fan commentary
podcasts as they similarly provide systematic and extensive commentary in
serialised form. They are often monetised, mostly through advertisements,
even while most other fan work is not, and, just like fan podcasters, “[z]ine
writers and editors may legitimately be thought of as ‘elite fans,’ fans who
have accumulated textual and historical expertise that places them above
14 Introduction
the average couch potato” (McLaughlin 76). Fans continuously demonstrate
their knowledge about the texts they consume, both in online and oine
spaces. Comparing zines to non‑digital fan talk, McLaughlin touches on a
similar argument as put forth by Ford, describing the magazines as “a slightly
more formal version of the lively critical discourse that happens [for exam‑
ple] around the lunch table at work as people talk about Seinfeld or Clint
Eastwood, […]” (69). Spanning a wide range of topics and texts, McLaugh‑
lin illustrates the breadth of textual work that these magazines encompass
and, like Ford, also addresses the prevalence of this fan talk in both online
and oine spaces, noting “a huge and varied fan commentary on popular
culture” (52). What zines and fan commentary podcasts share, then, is that
they are more formalised and published/broadcast versions of fan talk that
usually happens in private–both online and oine.
Like Ford’s research on soap fan discussion, Peter Larsen’s work consider‑
ing fan talk about TV shows notes the early adoption of online fan discus‑
sion in the 1990s as “eager fans of a given show would construct their own
sites, with an extensive account of every single episode, gossip about writers
and actors, lists of memorable quotes, and so on” (156–57). His early online
example highlights the systematic approach that fans took to cataloguing,
archiving, and making sense of their favourite texts and which persists to
this day. Larsen also draws attention to the fact that amateurs seem to have
come to dominate pop culture commentary online, describing that even on
commercial blogs by television companies,
[…] most of the participants in this vast, diuse discursive universe
seem to be ordinary viewers, lay persons who just happen to have a
strong interest in the show. They write primarily about the latest epi‑
sode, the twists and turns of the narrative, the reactions of the fictional
characters, but in some cases they engage in more open discussions of
the show in general or of certain recurring themes. (158)
Television commentary, he suggests, has been co‑opted by fans, an obser‑
vation that is supported by the emergence and popularity of podcasts engag‑
ing in media commentary more generally. His quote also investigates the
textual elements fans are interested in most when discussing television shows
online, which find equivalency in the themes relevant to fan commentary
podcasts. Especially in recap podcasts, which focus on ongoing texts and of‑
ten serialised television shows, the podcast hosts engage in similar talk about
the most recently aired episode, plot developments, character reactions,
and more.
While the three podcast genres I discuss in this book tend to focus on dis‑
tinct aspects of the source texts being discussed, many themes overlap across
fan commentary podcasts. These include, among others, “how the current
episode or the show, in general, relates to their [fans’] own life and personal
Introduction 15
problems”, concerns about “the lack of realism in the fictional universe”
(Larsen 159), and other aesthetic judgements.
They [fans] evaluate individual episodes against general narrative con‑
ventions and specific generic expectations; they suggest what should be
done to save problematic scenes or hopeless plotlines; they exchange
views on general dramaturgy. By discussing and criticizing the show
they evaluate the writers’ craftmanship, clarify genre boundaries, and
mark which aesthetic devices and transgressions are acceptable and
which are not […]. (Larsen 166)
These aesthetic judgements are particularly prevalent in review podcasts
which try to assess the quality of the relevant source text, but they also apply
to other fan podcasts. Jan Teurlings, who describes the “commonification of
TV criticism” in online comments of television recaps (208), notes similar
forms of aesthetic reflection which
[…] vary wildly, from a focus on plot and character development to
snarky commentary on production decisions, to more sociological anal‑
ysis where television becomes a means to analyse the way class, gender,
and race interact in contemporary society. (209–10)
Both Larsen and Teurlings focus their attention on instances of fan work
that mirror the fan commentary prevalent in fan podcasts engaging in
“line‑by‑line, almost scene‑by‑scene” discussions of a text (“Introducing The
Fawlty Towers Podcast”).
Larsen and Teurlings also emphasise the common co‑option of popular
criticism by amateurs. Teurlings describes the proliferation of “commoni‑
fied” television criticism online and argues that social media has given it
a “renewed impetus” in the last two decades (208). In his analysis of this
commonified television recap commentary, he maps and illustrates how com‑
menters engage with televisual texts, distinguishing between aesthetic and
taste arguments of fan talk, the former focusing on the aforementioned as‑
pects such as plot or character development, while the latter stress matters
of personal preference (Teurlings 213). Both are relevant to fan commentary
podcasts, though their balance depends on the specific podcast. Finally, Teur‑
lings also notes fans’ adoption of the “insider’s view”, with “[c]ommenters
[that] regularly mention script writers or even directors by name, and assess
their professional qualities” (218). This also occurs in fan commentary pod‑
casts where authorial intent remains a category of discerning the meaning
and/or quality of a given text.
Fans also engage in commentary when they livestream on platforms like
Twitch, which allows creators to transform their private activities into public
entertainment and “a new form of networked broadcast” (Taylor 6). In game
16 Introduction
livestreaming, for instance, commentary happens simultaneously with the
unfolding of the game’s narrative and the player’s ludic actions and it ac‑
companies and frames the game for the (digitally) present audience. Though
podcast commentary is seldom simultaneous to the source text, T.L. Taylor’s
study of live streaming on Twitch hints at how podcasts similarly produce a
sense of liveness through their media talk and aord public entertainment by
transforming their source texts.
Building on aspects of Ford’s categorisation of fans’ textual interactions, I
suggest fan commentary as a more formalised version of fan discussion and
one that structures fan work in oine and online settings. The form carries
with it aordances for the fans engaging with it and overlaps with other
forms of fan work to create unique formal constellations in the fan com‑
mentary podcast genres. A commentary, drawing on a broad literary studies
definition, is here defined as a “[m]emorative text, arranging facts of the most
varied kind, in the narrower sense also revealing (interpreting), for public
and private use” (Weimar etal. 298; my translation). In podcasts, fan com‑
mentary closely intersects and often blurs specifically with fan criticism and
fan theory, that is “interpretations, predictions, analyses, and speculations
about a given canon’s unexplained details or mysteries” (“Fan Theory”). For
this book, I use criticism to refer to the evaluation of a text according to
an aesthetic, aective, or other evaluative framework. In this definition, fan
criticism describes a form of amateur criticism, drawing on Nørgaard Kris‑
tensen and From’s typology of “the heterogenous cultural critic”, spanning
“the intellectual cultural critic”, “the professional cultural journalist”, “the
media‑made arbiter of taste”, and “the everyday amateur expert” (854). Am‑
ateur critics, they argue, participate in cultural criticism as reviewers, com‑
mentators on professional cultural products or other amateurs’ productions,
fanzine producers, article writers, bloggers, columnists online and oine,
and even gamers who “discuss, test, and rate computer games online” (Nør‑
gaard Kristensen and From 865). Fan podcast hosts act as amateur critics
when they comment on their specific source text and evaluate them for their
listeners. Considering the three fan commentary podcast genres, I posit a
commentary‑criticism axis, with some fan podcasts (esp. review podcasts)
focusing more on the critical evaluation of the source texts than others. Im‑
portant, here, is that both forms–criticism and commentary–overlap and
intersect in all three genres which encompass both a (re)arranging of the
source text and fans’ emotional, aective, and aesthetic evaluations of it.
Fan Podcasts as Chumcasts
Fan podcasts are characterised by a personable, conversational style that
amplifies podcasting’s claims of authenticity and intimacy (see for instance
Euritt; Berry, “Part of the Establishment”; Florini, “Podcasting Black‑
ness”; Copeland; Murray; Euritt and Korfmacher; Meserko, “The Pur‑
suit of Authenticity”; Adler Berg; Mottram). They can be described as
Introduction 17
“[l]ow cost ‘chumcasts’”: unscripted podcasts with multiple hosts that “ri
o each other, chatting in a casual or rambunctious manner around a theme,
making the listener feel included in a private no‑holds‑barred conversation”
(McHugh, “How Podcasting” 78, 70–71). Also called “chatcasts” (Spinelli
and Dann 4), podcasts of this format centre on the parasocial relationships
between hosts and listeners through the use of media or broadcast talk, de‑
fined by Hutchby as “a form of talk in public that is oriented towards an ap‑
proximation of the conditions of interpersonal communication in everyday
face‑to‑face conversation” (12). Fan talk in podcasting is a form of media
talk based on interactivity, performance, and liveness, one that “speaks to an
absent audience as if it was co‑present (at least in time) and in ‘lively’ ways as
if it was spontaneous and interactive” (Tolson 13). In other words, talk that
imitates private casual conversations in a broadcast public context.
The casual conversation which characterises these podcasts is a form of
unscripted media talk that centres on a “communicative ethos” of “inclu‑
siveness and sociability” (Hutchby 14). Like radio and television talk, de‑
scribed at length by Andrew Tolson, podcast talk is “designed to appeal to
overhearing audiences” and aims to address the audience directly (3). It thus
constitutes a “type of performance” (Tolson 10) and can be described as
“inherently more performative than normal conversation” (Ames 180). This
performative nature of all mediated talk is also addressed by Hutchby and
Anne Jerslev and characterises the talk of commentators in all broadcast
commentary genres, including radio sports commentary, video game lives‑
treaming, DVD film commentary, and podcast commentary (Hutchby 12;
Jerslev 5). Phillips, for instance, notes the “inherent performativity” of sports
commentators which significantly constructs its subject (6), while Nguyen
describes the roles that commentators take on, describing video game com‑
mentary as “localized and embodied performances where players execute the
role of video game players” ([3.3]; emphasis added). Similarly, podcast com‑
mentators perform the role of fan audience and fan expert when discussing
their favourite texts.
The sense of liveness aorded by podcasting facilitates more intimate rela‑
tionships between podcast hosts and their listeners through spatial and tem‑
poral proximity/co‑presence. Not only do audiences experience live talk as
more immediate and intimate, but also as more authentic, as somehow more
real, as Scannell observes:
To our ears scripted talk sounds staged, artificial, flat, lacking in sponta‑
neity and immediacy in comparison with what one takes to be the real
thing: spontaneous, natural, unscripted and, essentially, live talk. (115)
Nguyen explains that the liveness of Let’s Plays, which is based on the per‑
ception of the commentary as more authentic than written comments, “seeks
to shape specific understandings of authentic and inauthentic game‑playing
experiences, player personalities, and meaning‑making” ([3.5]). This liveness,
18 Introduction
perceived as intimate and authentic, is characteristic of all media talk which “ap‑
pears to be ‘live’ (even when the programme has been recorded) and relatively
unscripted (though usually some sort of pre‑planning is apparent)” (Tolson 3).
Tolson summarises the three definitions of liveness prevalent in media
studies: (1) “the times of production and reception are simultaneous, ‘hap‑
pening now’”, (2) “the dierence between photographic and electronic im‑
ages; where the former provide documentary records, the latter consist of
live signals”, and (3) “ the key issue may not be technological, so much as
‘rhetorical’: much broadcast talk insists on its ‘liveness’ even where this is pa‑
tently not the case” (12). Recorded podcast talk can be productively thought
of in terms of the latter rhetorical form of liveness, which constructs a sense
of the podcast recording as unfolding simultaneously with the listening, as
‘happening now’. This “illusion of liveness”, Tolson argues, “is sustained by
direct address and by the use of ‘deictic’ language (the context‑dependent ref‑
erences to time and space which are a feature of co‑present conversations)”
(12). Further strategies that contribute to this sense of liveness in the specific
context of broadcast (sports) commentary include the aforementioned “con‑
ventions of good commentary” which are:
[…] keep up the interest with suspense; keep it simple; there is a need
for explanation and interpretation; there is a need to shape material
into a logical order; blend descriptive and associative material as im‑
perceptibly as possible; it must sound spontaneous; vary the pace; let
sounds (crowd noises, etc.) speak for themselves. (Whannel 27)
While commentary podcasts do not follow a live televised event, they
make use of similar strategies while commenting on their source texts. In
televised sports commentary, Phillip remarks further that the commentary
sounds spontaneous as “part of a strategy to deal with a problematic dichot‑
omy within the role of commentary; that is the tension between realism and
entertainment” (6–7). This is also noted by Whannel, who describes this ten‑
sion as the competing impulses to “describe the scene, show what’s happen‑
ing, give the audience an accurate picture” but also “to get people involved,
keep up the interest, add suspense, shape the material and highlight the ac‑
tion” (26–27). Fan commentary podcasts similarly work to balance textual
commentary with entertainment, constructing a sense of liveness by focusing
on banter and unscripted comments on the texts. The features of media talk
in general “prioritize entertainment over information” due to its focus on
multiple hosts, who engage in co‑present conversation (Ames 178). In broad‑
cast commentary, then, entertainment and informative recoding compete due
to the perceived liveness of broadcast talk.
Anne Jerslev notes that “dierent talk genres are aorded by dierent
technologies and accorded with dierent social purposes” (7). As chum‑ or
chatcasts, fan commentary podcasts enact a form of media talk that oscil‑
lates between what Kate Ames has termed talk and chat‑based programmes
Introduction 19
in the context of radio. Whereas she describes talk shows as based on topics
relating to “issues of public interest or interests to a specific community on
a specific topic”, she designates chat‑based programmes as featuring more
personal topics and thus relying more heavily on perceived authenticity (Ames
180, 184). The two types of programming, both in radio and in podcasting,
rely on the hosts’ personality and their success as a team (Ames 185). Often,
this interplay of host personalities comes to the fore in moments of banter and
pointed humour which perform shared group values and thereby centre on the
importance of host and listener relationships as part of a community (Ames
182). This humorous banter is a noticeable aspect of chumcasts and can be
found in all fan commentary podcasts. As Savit notes in relation to the Best of
Friends podcast, for example, it is the hosts’ “ability to entertain beyond the
scope of their Friends fandom” that has cemented their status as subcultural
celebrities and that the podcast “has shifted from being a space for the hosts
to engage with their fandom of Friends to a site where [the hosts] Woodham
and Long engage with Friendlings’ fandom of BoF” ([5.3], [5.4]). She remarks
that fans writing in to the podcast seem to be “more interested in facilitat‑
ing Woodham and Long bantering in a manner only tangentially related to
Friends demonstrates how much the BoF fans are drawn to the hosts and their
personas, even beyond Woodham and Long’s Friends fandom” (Savit [5.4]).
This ties in with the entertainment value of media talk and live commentary
and the fact that this talk is “between those present but not, in the first place,
for those present–it is for listeners who are not there” (Scannell 115). This
is more pronounced in some fan podcasts than in others and is often related
to the balance between talk and chat‑based segments. As performed humour,
instances of laughter and jokes in fan commentary podcasts point towards the
values of dierent fan communities and how they are imagined and created
by the fan hosts as “members and facilitators of a community” (Ames 183).
Chat‑based radio programming often includes “multiple and often com‑
peting [host] personalities”, which, especially in the case of call‑in shows,
help to develop a relationship with the listeners (Ames 186). While call‑in
segments are only present in some fan podcasts, there are a number of com‑
mentary podcasts, particularly review podcasts, that feature segments simi‑
lar to what Ames refers to as “talkback” in chat‑based programming (186).
These are segments in which traditionally “one of the host sides with a caller
who poses an argument contrary to opinion stated by a member of the host‑
ing team” to ensure that the “talk remains sociable rather than confronta‑
tional” (Ames 186). In several fan commentary podcasts, chat‑based hosts
deliberately oppose each other by taking on contrary or talkback roles for
specific segments, after which they return to their chat‑based roles. The Films
on Trial podcast, for instance, is grounded in an alternating role‑taking of
the hosts as judge, prosecution, and defence of the discussed films. The per‑
formance of occasionally antagonistic roles as hosts is a successful strategy
to introduce minor elements of conflict that remain mitigated by the knowl‑
edge that the hosts are not in fact presenting their genuine opinions. In this
20 Introduction
example, role‑taking constitutes a comedic strategy that heightens the enter‑
tainment value of the chat‑based commentary.
Close Reading Podcasts
I draw on Levine’s formalist methodology and genre definition which contrib‑
utes to new genre studies by “loosening rather than codifying genre” (Jaji and
Saint 152). This book does not oer a purely aesthetic genre analysis, which
posits genre as textual codification with fixed characteristics, but a “stra‑
tegic” formalist analysis that recognises genres as shifting and provisional,
capturing both aesthetic and social generic structures in a specific moment in
time. Levine’s strategic formalism draws on established conceptions of genres
while stressing a broad, encompassing use of form, defining genres as
[…] customary constellations of elements into historically recogniz‑
able groupings of artistic objects, bringing together forms with themes,
styles, and situations of reception, while forms are organizations or ar‑
rangements that aord repetition and portability across materials and
contexts. (Forms 14)
Levine thus dierentiates between the commonly conflated form and
genre by outlining how genres involve only temporarily fixed classification of
texts that alters as innovation changes producer and audience expectations,
whereas the forms that make up a genre remain stable over time (Forms 13).
A genre analysis according to Levine is predicated on a definition of form
that extends formalist methodology to cultural studies concerns, defining so‑
cial hierarchies and other ideological ordering principles as forms that repeat
across dierent contexts (Forms 13–14). These ordering principles, including
social hierarchies, are considered in more detail throughout the case study
chapters and attest to the cultural studies embedding of this book. For the
concerns of this book, Levine’s definition of form provides the tools to de‑
scribe and analyse the fan podcast genres from a cultural studies perspective
concerned with the political eects of the podcasts without losing sight of
their underlying aesthetic forms.
Drawing on design theory, Levine argues that forms carry with them
several limited and form‑specific “aordances”, the term denoting “the
potential uses or actions latent in materials and designs” (Forms 6). The
aordance of being iterable–portable from one medium, one genre, one time
to another–is shared by all forms (Levine, Forms 13).
The advantage of this perspective is that it allows us to grasp both the
specificity and the generality of forms–both the particular constraints
and possibilities that dierent forms aord, and the fact that those pat‑
terns and arrangements carry their aordances with them as they move
across time and space. (Levine, Forms 6)
Introduction 21
This new formalist revision of the theoretical underpinnings of cultural
studies inflected textual analysis provides a productive ground on which
to study genres through the portability of forms across social and literary/
textual contexts. Defining the fan podcast genres through their constitutive
commentary form is thus an exercise in tracing the form’s specificity while
drawing on its iteration in other contexts.
Levine’s methodology proposes a type of close reading, a “tracking [of]
shapes and arrangements” of the forms organising, among other things,
genres, texts, and bodies (Forms 23). Analysing podcasts transforms close
readings into “close analytical listenings”, to borrow the term from Spinelli
and Dann, which, they propose, can “detail how particular podcasts are
constructed, how they are consumed, what meaning strategies and literary
devices they deploy, and to what social and exploratory ends” (4). Close ana‑
lytical listenings have been adopted by other podcast scholars (e.g., Lindgren)
and allow me to consider the fan podcasts through a series of “textual analy‑
sis” case studies that seek to draw out the formal arrangements that struc‑
ture the fan commentary podcast genres and to generate “larger ideas […]
through a close examination of specific podcasts” (Spinelli and Dann 4, 9).
By referencing the term close listening, here, I also want to draw attention to
the specificities of podcast sound which, though they do not take centre stage
in this book, are pertinent to any analysis of audio texts.
The case study chapters include several podcast transcriptions that form
the basis of my textual analysis. Transcribing podcasts, as any oral source to
be studied academically, is fraught with diculties, however. As Alessandro
Portelli notes in the context of oral history, “[t]he transcript turns aural ob‑
jects into visual ones, which inevitably implies changes and interpretation”
(47). He posits that many aspects of the human voice–be it tone, volume
range, rhythm, or pauses – cannot be reproduced accurately in writing as
they “carry implicit meaning and social connotations” that are dicult if
not impossible to fully transcribe (Portelli 47). I recognise these concerns and
thus always return to the podcast recordings to supplement my close reading
with close listening. Throughout the book, I adhere to Andrew Tolson’s list
of (radio) transcription conventions (23). This is not to imply, however, that
I follow his sociological conversation analysis or discourse analysis. Instead,
as detailed above, I focus on a formal analysis that is predicated on analys‑
ing podcasts as texts–“finite, structured whole[s] composed of signs” (Bal
5)–with recognisable structures and patterns. Tolson’s list simply provides a
useful guide for a consistent podcast transcription practice.
Case Studies
My categorisation of fan commentary podcasts into three distinct genres
draws on McGregor’s parenthetical dierentiation between so‑called reread
or rewatch podcasts, and recap podcasts. She makes this distinction in re‑
sponse to cultural critic Caroline Crampton, who, in 2016, noted the boom
22 Introduction
of episodic or TV recap podcasts (Crampton). McGregor provides a more
nuanced categorisation, arguing that
[…] weekly recap podcasts and rewatch podcasts have a significant dif‑
ference; while the former targets fans of an ongoing show who want to
engage deeply with complex television series like Westworld or Game
of Thrones, the latter often operates in a more nostalgic register, explor‑
ing both the content of the episodes and the hosts’ emotional reactions
to revisiting a favourite series […]. (“Yer a Reader, Harry” 370)
This dierentiation also applies to podcasts discussing other media texts
(e.g., re‑read podcasts) and thus not just complex television which has often
been the main purview of fan studies analysis. Some fan podcasts even in‑
corporate this genre classification into their titles (e.g., Twin Peaks Rewatch,
ReWatchable), while others feature related terms in their podcast description,
such as The Fawlty Towers Podcast which presents itself as a “retrospective”
(“Introducing The Fawlty Towers Podcast”). Recap podcasts are sometimes
alternatively described as “aftershows”, referencing similar existing formats in
television. The categorisation of fan commentary podcasts into recap podcasts,
and rewatch and reread podcasts can be further complemented by an inclusion
of review podcasts, which stress the purpose of judging and/or recommending
texts to a fan audience interested in a specific genre, medium, or text.
The corpus of fan commentary podcasts is large and expanding, reaching
far beyond the point that a complete overview can be given in this book. Due
to the natural permeability of genres, many fan podcasts that can be char‑
acterised as rewatch/reread, recap, or review podcasts also cross over into
neighbouring (fan) podcast genres, such as life journey podcasts focussed on
sharing personal fandom narratives or fandom news podcasts, sometimes
developing into hybrid genres over time or otherwise not neatly fitting into
the categorisation presented. Genres are historically situated and subject to
change, but they are also generally understood as “open systems”, related
and defined by other genres whose “relations change based on internal con‑
traction, expansion, interweaving” (Cohen 210). Genre classifications, then,
are always unstable in that “the same texts can belong to dierent group‑
ings or genres and serve dierent generic purposes” (Cohen 204). Thus, even
while readers might agree with the proposed general genre categorisation of
the case studies in question, it is likely that these podcasts can also be clas‑
sified as belonging to other adjacent genres. This is compounded by the fact
that “[e]ach member alters the genre by adding, contradicting, or changing
constituents, especially those of members most closely related to it” (Cohen
204). My case study selection (Table 1.1) provides a first insight into the
podcast corpus to illustrate how the commentary form structures these three
popular fan podcast genres. What is at stake here is not an illustration of
ideal examples of the genres at hand or an attempt to provide a comprehen‑
sive study. This book instead oers a range of podcast case studies which,
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