"Rewilding" the Mezcal Market: Cultural Practices and the Conservation of Agaves in Oaxaca, Mexico PDF Free Download
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Received: 2 April 2025
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Published: 20 May 2025
Citation: Rieger, I.A. “Rewilding”
the Mezcal Market: Cultural Practices
and the Conservation of Agaves in
Oaxaca, Mexico. Wild 2025,2, 20.
https://doi.org/10.3390/
wild2020020
Copyright: © 2025 by the author.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
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(https://creativecommons.org/
licenses/by/4.0/).
Article
“Rewilding” the Mezcal Market: Cultural Practices and the
Conservation of Agaves in Oaxaca, Mexico
Ivy Alana Rieger
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
Mexico City 04510, Mexico; ivy.rieger@iia.unam.mx
Simple Summary: This article analyzes the contemporary realities facing endemic agave
conservation in mezcal producing regions of Oaxaca, Mexico. Based on qualitative cultural
anthropological research, the paper explores the challenges and potential pathways for
short- as well as long-term conservation of the endemic agave species upon which the
mezcal market depends, taking into consideration factors such as market demand, local
production, species distribution and attributes, as well as climate change, to explore the re-
lationships between this popular spirit, the natural environment, and the cultural practices
of the people who traditionally produce it. The article proposes several practical steps to
facilitate the process of “rewilding” the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the development
and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of environmental
sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic security of those
who produce it while protecting local biodiversity.
Abstract: This article presents a tentative proposal for biodiversity and endemic agave
species conservation from a cultural anthropology perspective based on qualitative ethno-
graphic research with a mezcal-producing community in Oaxaca, Mexico, and a com-
parative analysis of broader scientific research regarding agaves and mezcal production
throughout Mexico. I argue that there is an urgent necessity for the implementation of pro-
cesses of what I call “rewilding” in the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the development
and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of environmen-
tal sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic security of
those who produce it while protecting biodiversity as follows: reducing the overall rate
of mezcal production, establishing practical collaborative networks, implementing feasi-
ble reforestation programs, the replanting of endemic agave species, and water-recycling
strategies, avoiding the piracy and illegal sale of wild and endangered agave species as
well as massive monoculture agave planting projects, and by promoting a return to more
“homemade” mezcal production techniques.
Keywords: mezcal; agave conservation; biodiversity; cultural practices; Oaxaca; sustainability
1. Introduction
This article presents a tentative proposal for biodiversity and endemic agave species
conservation from a cultural anthropology perspective based on qualitative ethnographic
research with a mezcal-producing community in Oaxaca, Mexico, and comparative analysis
of broader scientific research regarding agaves and mezcal production throughout Mexico
(Ethnographic research conducted by the author with residents of Santa Catarina Minas,
Oaxaca (2022–2025) as part of the author’s postdoctoral researcher appointment in the
Wild 2025,2, 20 https://doi.org/10.3390/wild2020020
Wild 2025,2, 20 2 of 22
Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México. The project, titled “La soberanía alimentaria indígena en Oaxaca ante la crisis de
COVID-19: Logros y desafíos actuales” is funded by the Mexican Secretaría de Ciencia,
Humanidades, Tecnología e Innovación (SECIHTI) (formally CONAHCYT) through their
“Estancias posdoctorales por México” federal grant program.).
1.1. Summary of the Problem
The paper explores the challenges and potential pathways for short- as well as long-
term conservation of the endemic agave species upon which the mezcal market depends,
taking into consideration factors such as market demand, local production, species dis-
tribution and attributes, as well as climate change, to explore the relationships between
this popular spirit, the natural environment, and the cultural practices of the people who
traditionally produce it. It is argued here that there is an urgent necessity for the implemen-
tation of processes of what I call “rewilding” in the mezcal market. Rewilding entails the
development and application of locally based strategies that focus on feasible practices of
environmental sustainability that can ensure the future of mezcal and the socioeconomic
security of those who produce it while protecting biodiversity.
1.2. Methodology
This project utilized specific qualitative ethnographic research methods such as par-
ticipant observation (refers to an investigative activity where the author spent time in
the community of study observing and participating in the quotidian, everyday activities
of groups and individuals regarding the topics presented in this article), unstructured
and semi-structured interviews with local interlocutors (including informal conversations
(unrecorded) and semi-structured interviews (recorded) with over a dozen interlocutors
with questions regarding the mezcal production process, community socioeconomic dy-
namics before, during, and after COVID-19, the use of traditional subsistence, farming,
and grazing methods in the community as well as questions regarding traditional cul-
tural knowledges and practices surrounding mezcal), audiovisual documentation of the
mezcal production process and other associated cultural activities, and archival research
regarding the history of mezcal production in the community of Santa Catarina Minas,
Oaxaca, Mexico (conducted in the Archivo General del Estado de Oaxaca during March
2022 about topics regarding territoriality, nutrition, mezcal production, traditions, and
customs, reviewing colonial and postcolonial documents about the community of Santa
Catarina Minas, Oaxaca) stemming from fieldwork trips to the community and Oaxaca City
occurring between March 2022 and March 2025. The empirical data collected during this
research period using these methods forms the basis for this article. The results obtained,
as discussed in the Key Findings and Conclusion sections of the article, are a product of
the qualitative analysis of this ethnographic data compared with a broader review of the
academic literature about agaves and mezcal production.
1.3. Section Summaries
The article begins with a section detailing the official definition of mezcal according to
the Mexican federal government, a description of the three principal types of mezcal that
are produced, and the various sociocultural applications for mezcal that extend beyond
the spirits market. The next section describes the various species used in mezcal produc-
tion, analyzes their importance as keystone species for maintaining biodiverse ecosystems,
and discusses the negative effects of monoculture agave farming. The following section
provides a summary of the steps involved in mezcal production. Next, the article iden-
tifies and analyzes several major threats to contemporary mezcal production in Oaxaca:
market demand, overuse of scarce natural resources, and processes of climate change and
Wild 2025,2, 20 3 of 22
desertification. In conclusion, the final section outlines seven specific practical actions for
“rewilding” the mezcal market as follows:
1.
Reduce the overall rate of mezcal production to compensate for the natural limitations
of agaves and resources such as water, land, and wood.
2.
Establish practical collaborative networks with mezcal producers, the federal govern-
ment, and interested third parties to safeguard the natural resources and biodiversity
of the areas impacted by mezcal production.
3.
Implement feasible reforestation programs and the replanting of endemic agave species.
4. Implement water-recycling strategies within the mezcal industry.
5. Avoid the piracy and illegal sale of wild and endangered agave species.
6. Avoid massive monoculture agave planting projects.
7. Promote a return to more “homemade” mezcal production techniques.
1.4. Key Findings
1.
The augmentation of environmental phenomena associated with climate change,
such as desertification, droughts, intense and erratic rainy seasons, fungal and pest
infestations, as well as the reduction of pollination corridors and biodiversity hotspots
due to deforestation, monoculture farming, and the overextrapolation of wild agaves,
is having a notable negative effect on the artisanal and ancestral mezcal industries
and the genetic diversity of wild agave species.
2.
Mezcal producers are interested in sustainability and environmental conservation
strategies, but these initiatives must be created, innovated, and applied at the commu-
nity level and should adapt to local sociocultural practices to be viable.
3.
Industrial mezcal is both environmentally and economically unsustainable and should
be eradicated.
4.
The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively affected the economic growth of the mezcal
industry, from which it has yet to fully recover.
5.
The active implementation of traditional Agroforestry Systems (AFS) in artisanal and
ancestral mezcal-producing communities is a potential way to confront the negative
impacts of climate change, encourage the biodiversity of agave species, and mitigate
the current capitalist market demand pressures of the mezcal industry.
6.
A general reduction in production overall, coupled with an increase in bulk and retail
prices to better compensate for the human and animal labor, economic inversions, and
environmental cost involved in producing mezcal, is necessary to secure the long-term
sustainability of the industry, provide a higher level of economic stability for mezcal
producers, and protect the biodiversity of the region.
1.5. Contributions
This article directly contributes to the academic discussion regarding the challenges
facing the contemporary mezcal market. Based on the author’s own ethnographic research
and a comparative analysis of current market statistics and recent biological research, the
article provides a unique perspective grounded in qualitative cultural anthropological
analysis resulting in a practical proposal for “rewilding” the mezcal market.
2. Defining Mezcal
Mezcal is an alcoholic beverage distilled from members of the Agavaceae, or Agave,
plant family (also commonly referred to as magueys) whose production is currently for-
mally recognized in 13 Mexican states (Oaxaca, Puebla, Durango, Guerrero, San Luis
Potosí, Zacatecas, Michoacán, Guanajuato, Tamaulipas, Estado de México, Morelos, Aguas-
calientes, and Sinaloa) that form part of the federally recognized Denominación de Orígen
Wild 2025,2, 20 4 of 22
Protegida, or DOP, region [
1
]. Historically, mezcal was a largely unregulated spirit, stereo-
typically associated with consumption by lower socioeconomic classes and indigenous
peoples. However, this changed in 1994, when the Mexican federal government awarded
federal protection and denomination of origin for the authorized mezcal production in five
states: Oaxaca, Guerrero, Durango, San Luis Potosí, and Zacatecas [
2
]. Here, mezcal was
formally defined as:
A transparent liquid with particular organoleptic qualities of characteristic odor and
flavor according to the types of agaves used and the process with which it is made; it
is colorless or slightly yellow if it is aged, rested, or otherwise stored considering the
slow maturation or transformation that takes place during its time in oak barrel. It is an
alcoholic beverage obtained by distillation and rectification of the juices prepared with
sugars extracted from the stem and base of the leaves of mezcal-producing agaves as
specified by the Mexican Standard [
3
], previously subjected to alcoholic fermentation with
yeasts, allowing the addition of up to 40% of other sugars in the preparation of said juices,
as long as the components that give the characteristics to that product are not eliminated [
2
].
The term “mezcal” is of Nahuatl origin based on the word mexcalli, which combines
the words metl and ixcalli, meaning “oven-cooked agave” [
4
] (p. 12). Agaves naturally grow
and are commercially harvested throughout Mexico. However, not all distilled beverages
made from agaves fall into the category of mezcal. Some, like tequila, have their own
denomination of origin designation while others produced outside of the DOP region
cannot legally call their product mezcal, opting instead for names like destilado de agave
(“agave distillate”) or vino de agave (“agave wine”). Additionally, spirits such as raicilla
(produced in Jalisco) and bacanora (produced in Sonora) distilled from other members of the
agave family and have earned their own protected denomination of origin status during
the last two decades.
According to the Mexican Standard, there are three kinds of officially recognized
mezcal: ancestral, artisanal, and industrial (formally referred to as “mezcal”). Ancestral
mezcal is produced by hand, without the use of industrial machinery or draft animals; it
is often considered the most “rustic” or “traditional” way to produce mezcal and almost
exclusively relies on the harvest of wild agaves. Its cooking process exclusively occurs in pit
ovens, typically in a conical pit lined with river stones and covered with agave fibers, plastic
tarps, or aluminum siding, and completely covered with dirt. Grinding occurs by hand and
utilizes specific tools known as a mazo or a tahona that are repeatedly pounded for hours
within either a “Chilean” or “Egyptian” style mill that are typically rectangular in shape
and mounted in the floor to extract the juices from the cooked agaves [
5
]. Fermentation
occurs in stone, dirt, or trunk cavities, in wood or ceramic barrels, or even in animal hides.
Distillation occurs in ceramic flasks mounted in an adobe and wooden structure over
open flames.
Artisanal mezcal is a type of mezcal that is much more commonly found on the spirits
market than ancestral mezcal. It shares some distillation methods with ancestral mezcal,
but also utilizes copper vessels known as alambiques, draft animals for distillation, and can
also employ the use of farmed magueys. Cooking can occur in conical pits or in elevated
ovens. Producers of artisanal mezcal use tahonas and Chilean or Egyptian-style mills,
millstones operated by draft animals, as well as machine-operated mills. Fermentation
occurs in wooden vats or stainless steel tanks. Distillation occurs in alambiques, ceramic
pots, or even leather troughs.
Industrial mezcal focuses on the production of large quantities of mezcal for commer-
cial sale using a variety of industrialized distillation techniques and may include the use of
chemicals or other additives as part of their production processes. The cooking, grinding,
and fermentation processes are like the other kinds of mezcal mentioned above. It is the
Wild 2025,2, 20 5 of 22
distillation process, however, that differs greatly, utilizing any combination of alambiques,
automated distilling machines, or copper or stainless steel tanks.
In addition to the types of mezcal discussed above, mezcal is also categorized de-
pending upon how it is aged, heavily borrowing these classifications from other spirits
such as scotch, whiskey, and wine. Blanco or joven mezcal has no color and has typically
not been aged in any way. Glass-aged mezcal is either aged in a bottle or a damajuana (a
large, rounded glass receptacle, also known as a “carboy”) for at least 12 months or more
underground in a cellar or in some other space with minimal variations in luminosity,
temperature, and humidity. Reposado mezcal is aged between 2 and 12 months in wooden
casks of any size and shape in spaces with minimal variations in luminosity, temperature,
and humidity. Añejo mezcal is aged more than 12 months in wooden casks that do not
exceed 1000 L, typically whiskey barrels, in similar cellar conditions. “Acabado con”, literally
translating to “finished with” mezcal may include ingredients that are placed in bottled
mezcal to add additional flavor, such as gusano de maguey (maguey worm), damiana, lime,
honey, orange, mango, or any other natural flavors that are formally authorized by the
Mexican federal government. “Destilado con”, or “distilled with”, are mezcals are distilled
with specific ingredients to add flavor, like chicken or turkey breast, rabbit, mole, plums,
apples, among others that have been formally identified. Mezcal is traditionally consumed
by itself or accompanied with orange slices and salt mixed with roasted, salted, spiced, and
ground maguey worms. It can be consumed in shot glasses made from bamboo or glass, or
in small cups made from gourds.
In many contexts, the production of mezcal forms an intrinsic part of a community’s
economic survival as well as its cultural heritage. Specifically, mezcal is a central element
of social and cultural organization and forms part of a particular community’s “symbolic
nourishment” [
6
]. It fosters the symbolic relationships that locals have with the geographic
territories surrounding them and with nature itself. It is also related to the establishment,
maintenance and transformation of sociocultural relationships present among members of
the community.
Mezcal is often viewed not only as an alcoholic spirit but as traditional medicine.
It is prescribed to both children and adults as a remedy for different ailments including
gastrointestinal problems, upper respiratory infections, allergies, and even COVID-19. In
social relations, mezcal is considered a sign of hospitality towards visitors, as a sign of
trust between friends, business partners, and godparent relationships, and as a symbol
of conviviality and general goodwill during weddings, baptisms, births, and funerals.
The beverage also forms an intrinsic part of the traditional cycle of festivities in many
mezcal-producing communities. It is also often used to seal symbolic agreements between
humans and nature, as well as with non-human spiritual entities.
Now more than ever, mezcal forms the backbone of the local economy for the people
that produce it. In traditional mezcal-producing communities, the beverage has long
been part of the local barter system, used in this reciprocal system of exchange for other
products or services. Given the recent boom in international interest in mezcal, the spirit
also increasingly provides a formal source of income for the people that produce it. In
some communities, a trend of return migration is actively occurring, where those who
have immigrated to the United States or other parts of Mexico have begun to return to
their communities of origin specifically to work in the business of producing mezcal.
However, it is important to note here that producing mezcal does not necessarily imply
brand ownership or participation in regional, national, or international distribution, where
profit margins are infinitely higher than at the local level. Indeed, as explored in detail
later in the article, local mezcal producers often work directly with external intermediaries,
third-party investors, and the public to sell their products on the market. This may mean
Wild 2025,2, 20 6 of 22
establishing their own brand, creating local labor collectives, marketing their product to
tourists, or collaborating with national or international brands and investors to sell their
mezcal. This reality not only directly impacts the ability of mezcal producers to create
their product from an economic perspective but also speaks to pertinent issues related to
environmental sustainability present in the mezcal market today.
3. Endemic Agave Species and Biodiversity
One of the major considerations regarding the rewilding of the mezcal market is
situated within the characteristics of the agaves themselves, specifically environmental
conditions, growth patterns, geographical range, natural scarcity, and propensity to con-
trolled cultivation. There are over 200 documented species that are members of the Agave
family, with more than half of these species being endemic to Mexico [
5
]. This ecological
diversity is complemented by cultural diversity, with common names for each species,
subspecies, and hybrids varying within and between states and regions. Many agave
species are only found in certain areas due to specific environmental conditions, and their
cultural uses are highly variable and extend well beyond mezcal. For example, many
agave species are used in the production of ixtle cords, fibers, and other products (such
as Agave kerchovei and A. fourcroydes, known as henequen in the Yucatán), as traditional
medicine, as ritual decoration, for soap (A. vilmoriniana and A. lechuguilla), as construction
materials (A. atrovirens), as needles and nails, for textiles (A. striata and A. funkiana) and
as part of the traditional foraging diets of many indigenous communities, which includes
the consumption of agave flower buds (cayacas or gualumbos), juices and sweeteners, as
well as worms and other insects that inhabit the plant [
7
,
8
]. Regarding alcoholic spirits,
agaves are used in the production of tequila, mezcal, raicilla,bacanora,sotol,aguamiel (mead),
and pulque.
The following table (Table 1) presents some key elements to better understand the mul-
tifaceted nature of agaves. It is important to note, however, that there are many subspecies,
natural variants, and cultivated hybrids that have either been scientifically or culturally
classified but are not mentioned here. Instead, the table represents the primary species
used in spirits production. Also, the noted average maturation time only reflects wild con-
ditions. If these species are cultivated in fields, farms, or greenhouses, where conditions are
artificially controlled or accelerated using irrigation, pesticides, and fertilizers, maturation
time can be reduced by several years in some cases.
These species are all endemic to Mexico, with some only found in specific microcli-
mates and geographic regions, such as A. Americana oaxacensis, which grows in Oaxaca and
some areas of Puebla. Some species, such as A.angustifolia Haw, are easily adaptable to
various climatic conditions and soil compositions, while others, such as A. potatorum, are
not. Another factor to consider is plant maturation; growing times can range on average
from between six to 35 years depending on the species and growing conditions. It is for this
reason that the unprecedented increase in demand for mezcal fueled by the international
spirits market is intrinsically incompatible with sustainable production; the plants naturally
mature too slowly to keep up with the capitalist market. Therefore, many producers,
including those who distill ancestral mezcal, have turned to A. angustifolia Haw (espadín)
as a panacea, albeit an imperfect one, to this problem. Espadín agaves naturally mature
between 6–8 years, and given this fact, producers have turned more toward monoculture
farming practices and the planting of “homogenous rows” of espadín that now account
for around 80% of mezcal consumed worldwide [
21
]. The dependence on espadín also
emerged as a byproduct of the natural scarcity of other species of agaves and the increase
in environmental degradation due to over-harvesting, an absence of sustainable resowing
strategies, and climate change that has been present throughout Mexico in recent decades.
Wild 2025,2, 20 7 of 22
Table 1. Mexican Agave Species Used for Spirits.
Species Name Common Names Average
Maturation Time Characteristics
Agave angustifolia Haw
Espadín. 8–10 years.
El agave with the amplest distribution and cultivation of all species used for spirits,
with a presence in at least 20 Mexican states; grows between 1500–2000 m. asl, used
in mezcal production [9].
A. potatorum Tobalá. 10–12 years. Native to the highlands of Oaxaca, the Valle de Tehuacán in Puebla, and the Sierra
Madre del Sur Mountain range; found in elevations ranging from 1200–2400 m. asl;
used in the production of mezcal [8].
A. americana Agave blanco, Maguey
de pulque. 12 years. Found in 20 Mexican states; considered one of the most common agaves in Mexico;
grows from sea level up to 2500 m. asl; used in construction, pulque, and mezcal
production [10].
A. karwinskii
Cuishe, Bicuishe,
Madrecuishe, Barril,
Tripón, Tobasiche. 12–15 years.
Native to the arid zones of the Valle de Tehuacán in Puebla and the Valles Centrales
of Oaxaca; found in elevations ranging between 750–2000 m. asl; used in the
production of mezcal [8].
A. lophantha or
A. univattata Estoquillo. 8–10 years.
Found in Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosí, Veracruz, and Puebla;
grows from sea level to 1500 m. asl; used in mezcal production and for its
fibers [11,12].
A. durangensis Gentry Cenizo. 7–10 years. Native to Durango and Zacatecas; grows in the Sierra Madre Occidental Mountain
range between 1600–2000 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal [13].
A. aequorins
Lechugilla, Maguey alto.
15–20 years. Native to Michoacán; grows between 1700–2600 m. asl; used in mezcal and pulque
production [14].
A. americana oaxacensis
Arroqueño, Sierra negra.
12–20 years. Native to Oaxaca and Puebla, found from the Valle de Tehuacán to the Balsas River
basin between 1500–2000 m. asl; used in mezcal production [8].
A. marmorata Tepeztate. 25–35 years.
Native to Oaxaca and Puebla; grows in altitudes ranging from 680–1800 m. asl; used
in the production of mezcal, as traditional medicine, and as ritual
ornamentation [15].
A. cupreata Papalote. 10–15 years.
Endemic to the Balsas River basin, including the states of Michoacán, Guerrero, and
Puebla; found in elevations ranging from 1200–1800 m. asl; used in the production
of mezcal; depends on bat pollination to reproduce [16].
A. maximiliana Lechuguilla. 10–20 years. Found in northwestern Mexican states, primarily Jalisco, Nayarit, and Sinaloa;
grows around 1500 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal and raicilla [17].
A. tequiliana Weber
azul Agave tequilero. 7–10 years.
Native to Jalisco, cultivated in Los Altos de Jalisco and the Valle of Tequila; grows in
elevations ranging from 1200–2100 m. asl; used in the production of tequila [8].
A. rhodacantha Maguey mexicano. 12–15 years.
Ranges from Sonora to Oaxaca; grows in elevations between 1000–2500 m. asl; large,
solitary plants used in the production of mezcal [8].
A. salmiana Agave bronco, maguey
pulquero. 8–12 years. Found in 20 Mexican states; grows in elevations ranging from 2000–2800 m. asl;
used in the production of pulque and mezcal [18].
A. convallis Jabalí. 15–22 years.
Endemic to Oaxaca, particularly in the Sierra Madre del Sur Mountain range; grows
at an elevation of between 975–1600 m. asl; used in the production of mezcal and
fiber cords [19].
A. valenciana Raicilla. 15 years. Exclusively found in Jalisco; grows in elevations between 950–1250 m. asl; used in
raicilla production [20].
As occurs in other agricultural contexts, substituting a diversity of species for mono-
culture crops may produce short-term benefits but usually has negative long-term con-
sequences. The short-term benefits typically revolve around issues of production and
profitability. Taking A. angustifolia Haw as an example, growers prefer it because it has
one of the quickest maturation timetables of all agave species, is cheap to purchase, easy
to reproduce, and can grow in almost any environmental conditions. The plant can even
be manipulated to mature at an even faster rate using fertilizers and other nutritional
enhancements, according to some farmers (based on informal interviews conducted by the
author with residents of Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, September 2024). Espadín is also
valued for its relatively neutral taste, which easily combines with other types of agaves
without overpowering them in what are known as mezcal “ensembles” where three or
more species are distilled together to create unique flavor profiles. Due to this neutrality
and its abundance on the market, espadín is also sometimes used as a “filler” in mezcal
when it is combined with other rarer or wild species due to their inherent natural scarcity.
However, espadín monoculture farming affects not only the production market, but also
the biodiversity of the natural environment and the overall food security of the communities
that produce it. When the agave spirits boom began in the early 2000s, originally propelled
by increased market demand for tequila, farmers used “inadequate” production techniques
“under an economic rationality at the expense of environmental conservation”, leading
to a surplus of agave plants that surpassed demand of mezcal and tequila producers [
22
]
Wild 2025,2, 20 8 of 22
(p. 639). The abrupt change in land use, coupled with the abandonment of traditional crop
rotation practices using species such as corn, beans, and squash that naturally replenish
nutrients, have caused or exacerbated the degradation of the soil in areas where espadín is
continuously grown. This problem manifests itself through “the compacting, wild growth,
loss of moisture, and of its physical consistency caused by the expansion of maguey
sowing” [22] (p. 640).
Mezcal was traditionally produced using multiple species of agaves combined into
ensembles (Informal interview with Shonga, maestro mezcalero in Santa Catarina Minas, Oax-
aca, 22 September 2024). Monoculture cultivation and single-species mezcals are relatively
recent phenomena derived from market demand and the influence of Western standards
and practices in the spirits industry in general and in wine production particularly. Like
grapes, each species of agave has its own signature flavor. This natural flavor emerges
because of factors such as the terroir (French term originally attributed to winemaking that
refers to the combination of factors such as soil, climate, and environment, that gives mezcal
its distinctive character, body, and flavor palette), growing conditions, and climate where
the agave is found. For example, a wild agave harvested from its natural environment will
have a different flavor palette than the same species harvested from a farm a few kilometers
away. Furthermore, the presence of multiple endemic species in their natural environments
promotes the management of local ecosystems and the presence of important pollinators
such as bats, insects, and hummingbirds.
Agaves have the unique property of Crassulacean acid metabolism (CAM), present
in only 6% of vascular plants [
23
]. This means that agaves have 24 h of constant carbon
cycling “that provides the chemical energy for photosynthetic light reactions even during
times when stomata are closed”, and has “tremendous advantages for plants growing in
hot and dry climates” [
24
]. According to Stewart [
25
]: the CAM pathway enables agaves to
colonize semi-arid environments where water is scarce and soil surface temperatures often
exceed 55
◦
C. Moreover, the succulent and fiber-rich nature of agave leaves follows for the
continuation of CO
2
fixation and other vital biochemical reactions during extended periods
of drought, which can last up to 7 years or more. In addition, the rosette arrangement of
agave leaves allows for maximal absorption of photosynthetically active radiation and
allows for the funneling of water to their relatively shallow root systems.
As such, agaves represent a vital cornerstone species in semi-arid environments
across Mexico, as well as powerful natural barriers against climate change, soil erosion,
and processes of desertification. Furthermore, there are several agave species that have
reciprocal relationships with bat species and are dependent on them for seed production.
When plants are taken from the wild before they reach sexual maturity, or if a flower
stalk is prematurely cut in a process known as “capar un agave” to artificially provoke the
concentration of sugars within the heart of the plant before harvesting, this causes a marked
disruption in the pollination chain. In the case of A. macroacantha, for example, “without
pollination by bats, the plants produce only approximately 50% of the number of seeds” [
26
]
(p. 13). The unmonitored over-extraction of wild plants before maturation, coupled with an
increased tendency toward monoculture farming, directly impacts the genetic diversity and
overall plant health of agave species. Low levels of diversity are generally associated with
inbreeding, which “can trigger a reduction in the average adaptation of the population, in
a process known as inbreeding depression” [
26
] (p. 13). Inbreeding depression can result
in an increased propensity toward fungal infection and parasitic infestations, given that the
plant’s natural defenses become genetically comprised. This is, in fact, a problem noted by
agave growers and mezcal producers who plant monoculture crops, often using clones of a
single mother plant, and have subsequently observed reduced yields over time due to issues
associated with generationally repetitive inbreeding (based on personal observations and
Wild 2025,2, 20 9 of 22
informal interviews with maestros mezcaleros in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, September
2024). These realities speak to the inherent multidimensional character of wild agave plants
and the crucial role they have for maintaining biodiversity in the region, which in turn
produces the best-tasting mezcal while ideally promoting more sustainable cultivation,
harvesting, and production practices, the practical feasibility of which are explored later in
this article [27].
4. A Brief Summary of Mezcal Production
Per federal guidelines, the elaboration of any mezcal must comply with four stages:
cooking, grinding, fermentation, and distillation. These activities occur in a palenque, which
refers to a ranch or farm housing the apparatuses such the oven, barrels, equipment, and
distillation tanks as well as small quantities of cultivated agaves necessary for producing
mezcal. In practice, however, the harvest of agaves often occurs well beyond the limits
of the palenque and is the first practical step in the creation of mezcal. Depending upon
the geographic and cultural context as well as type of mezcal being produced, the harvest
of agaves takes many forms, from identifying wild individuals in the landscape and
subsequently making a tedious trek through bush and bramble to reach them to harvesting
cultivated agaves from fields (Figure 1). In either case, the harvesting process requires
intense physical effort where workers are highly prone to injury, often relying on machetes
and brute human strength to accomplish the task. First, the spiny leaves of the plant
must be cut off with a machete or chainsaw, leaving a ball-like shape known as the piña,
due to its physical resemblance to the scaly outer flesh of a pineapple. Then, the piña
needs to be unearthed from the ground, often using a shovel-like tool, known as a jima,
that simultaneously extracts the plant while removing its roots. Finally, the piña must be
transported back to the palenque, either carried on the shoulders of the harvesters or by
donkey to a nearby truck, depending on the terrain. Only when the piñas have arrived at
the palenque does mezcal production formally begin. Estimated time for the harvest stage
varies, but can typically take up to 24 h, depending on the amount, type, and location of
agaves that are harvested.
Figure 1. Cultivated agave field with multiple species present, Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca. Photo
by author, September 2024.
Wild 2025,2, 20 10 of 22
The next steps of mezcal production take place at the palenque, beginning with the
cooking process, where the piñas are placed in an underground conical oven on hot stones
and cooked for approximately five days, covered with the residual fibers of the maguey
plant, a plastic tarp, and a layer of earth, which is topped with a small wooden cross
(Figure 2). This step requires a large amount of firewood to maintain the residual heat of
the oven. Firewood is a highly sought-after commodity, and mezcaleros may even pawn
their product or profits from the palenque itself to buy the quantities of firewood needed for
mezcal production.
Figure 2. Conical oven with piñas ready for baking, Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca. Photo by author,
March 2022.
After cooking, the piñas undergo what is known as dry fermentation (Figure 3). At
this stage, the roasted piñas are removed from the conical oven and stacked into piles under
open shelters with concrete floors, where they “rest” anywhere between 15 days to one
month before the next stage of production can begin. During this period, the natural yeasts
present in the cooked agaves begin to break the organic material down into concentrated
sugars. When the dry fermentation process ends, the piñas are chopped up and then ground
to extract the fermented juices (Figure 4). This process is done either by hand or using
machines, depending on the type of mezcal being produced. In the case of ancestral mezcal,
the piñas are chopped up using a machete and then ground using a special wooden mallet
known as a mazo, which can measure over a meter long and weighs more than 10 kilos.
During this process, a team of two people crush the cooked agave fibers with their mazos
in an uninterrupted shift lasting from between eight and 24 h, or until all the piñas have
been processed. For artisanal mezcal, a stone mill may be used, which is pushed by draft
animals such as donkeys or mules or even by machines such as tractors. For industrial
mezcal, the extraction process is typically mechanically performed to expedite production.
Here is where the juices are extracted from the fibers, which are then recycled and used
Wild 2025,2, 20 11 of 22
during the cooking process as kindling and in the wet fermentation process as a necessary
floating barrier that protects the juices from pests and mold.
Figure 3. Dry fermentation of barril variety agaves, Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca. Photo by author,
September 2024.
Figure 4. Maestros mezcaleros chopping dry fermented agaves, Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca. Photo
by author, September 2022.
Immediately following extraction, the juices are transferred to wooden barrels, or
stainless steel vats, that are filled with water and covered with a layer of cooked agave
fiber where wet fermentation takes place, a process that requires up to 15 days, depending
on the ambient temperature (Figure 5). During this process the fermenting liquid is
Wild 2025,2, 20 12 of 22
periodically taste-tasted by the maestro(a)s mezcalero(a)s for flavor balance and maturation.
When the correct level of fermentation has been achieved, the must, or floating debris that
accumulated during this process, is removed and the remaining liquid is transferred to
different receptacles, depending on the type of mezcal being produced, for distillation.
Figure 5. Barrels used during the wet fermentation process, Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca. Photo by
author, September 2022.
Distillation is a process that can take between two and three days, depending on the
quantity and type of mezcal being produced. For ancestral mezcal, this process occurs in
clay vessels placed on top of a wood-fired brick oven and is repeated up to three times,
depending on the type of mezcal desired (Figure 6). During this stage, someone must
constantly stoke the coals, measure the temperature, ensure a steady fire, and make sure
the receptacles that the mezcal drips into are properly filled, a process that requires long
sleepless nights. For artisanal mezcal, the distillation process typically utilizes copper
alambiques that also require the constant vigilance of these aforementioned factors. In
contrast, for industrial mezcal, stainless steel vats are typically used, such as those used
in the production of other spirits such as whiskey or vodka, and the process is often
completely automated.
After distillation, the mezcal is ready to be consumed and sold. However, depending
upon the type of mezcal (ancestral, artisanal, or industrial) as well as the personal prefer-
ences of the maestro(a) mezcalero(a), the mezcal can enter an unofficial sixth stage where it is
aged in glass damajuanas, bottles, or oak barrel casks. This process adds distinct dimensions
of taste to the final product that can then be marketed as mezcal joven,reposado, or añejo.
It is also during this process that herbal, citrus, or other infusions are created to give a
particular flavor, aroma, or signature to the mezcal.
Mezcal is sold to the public in several ways. Palenques may sell their mezcal directly
to the public a granel (unlabeled, in bulk, and sold by the milliliter) or under their own
label. Mezcal may also be sold to intermediaries such as restauranteurs or bar owners
who then resell it directly to their customers. It may also be sold to investors or third-
Wild 2025,2, 20 13 of 22
party brand owners who market it under their own labels, sometimes giving credit to the
original producers of the mezcal, although there is no legal obligation to do so. Much of the
post-production life of mezcal directly depends upon the scale and nature of production,
connections with investors, and permissions obtained by the federal government for
national sale and international exportation.
Figure 6. Shonga demonstrating the ancestral mezcal distillation process, Santa Catarina Minas,
Oaxaca. Photo by author, March 2022.
5. Threats to Contemporary Mezcal Production in Oaxaca
Mezcal was never meant to be produced on a massive scale. However, the industry
has adapted to the demands of consumer expectations in recent years to produce what
is now internationally recognized as one of the premier spirits in the world. In 2021, the
national annual production of mezcal reached approximately 8.1 million liters, with Oaxaca
distilling 85.4% of that amount [
28
]. Artisanal mezcal made up 88.9% of total national
production, followed by industrial mezcal (10.49%), and ancestral mezcal (0.59%) [
28
].
These statistics represent historic highs in what has been an ever-increasing market over
the last decade.
5.1. Market Demand
One of the major threats to contemporary mezcal production is the unprecedented
demand for the spirit on the national and international markets. The commodification of
mezcal has produced some unique socioeconomic realities for those producing, selling,
and consuming the beverage. In 1997, the Mexican federal government established the
Consejo Mexicano Reguladora de la Calidad del Mezcal (The Mexican Regulatory Council for
the Quality of Mezcal or COMERCAM) which, among other duties, determines compliance
with the “Norma Oficial Mexicana NOM-070-SCFI-2016 Bebidas Alcóholicas—Mezcal—
Wild 2025,2, 20 14 of 22
Especificaciones” [
3
] that stipulates the authorized raw materials, categories of mezcal,
permitted alcohol volume, approved production processes according to type of mezcal,
as well as standards for bottling, labeling, and sale. To assure compliance and guarantee
commercial sale on both the national and international markets, COMERCAM recom-
mends that people participating in the following categories become associated members
of the organization: brand owners, bottlers, mezcal producers, agave farmers, and agave
nurseries [28].
Although membership to COMERCAM is not obligatory, the Comisión Federal para la
Protección Contra Riesgos Sanitarios (Federal Commission for the Protection against Sanitary
Risks, or COFREPRIS), the Servicio de Administración Tributaria (Tributary Administration
Service, or SAT), and the Padron Sectorial de Exportadores (Sectional Exporter List, used by
the Mexican federal government to determine who is officially registered to export mezcal
outside of Mexico) strongly recommend participation in the program. The total cost for
initial certification by COMERCAM, as of the writing of this article, is $8270 pesos, which
includes the inscription fee ($1500), NOM compliance assessment ($5000), authorization
payment for use of the Denomination of Origin label ($1020), and official production log
payment ($750) [
28
]. For small producers of ancestral and artisanal mezcal, COMERCAM
offers a grant program to cover these costs.
Apart from the economic cost of participating in COMERCAM certification, mezcal
producers are increasingly enmeshed in commercial power dynamics that extend well
beyond the limits of intercommunity social relations, typically including third-party in-
vestors, brand owners, or businesses who purchase their mezcal. This creates competition
among individual producers, palenques, and families who have produced the spirit for
generations or are newly entering into the production market, potentially disrupting tradi-
tional frameworks of sociopolitical organization in these communities. Increased external
demand also means increased pressure to continuously produce mezcal year-round to
make it economically viable, ignoring the inherent natural limitations imposed by the
life cycle of agave plants as well as seasonal weather patterns. The mezcal boom has
also inspired patterns of return migration to these communities to work in the industry.
While this has created a new sector of local employment where few existed before, the
work remains precarious due to its inherently dangerous nature and its heavy reliance
on commercial market demand. During the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, mezcal
sales temporarily plummeted, negatively affecting producers [
29
]. According to the most
recent COMERCAM (2024) report, mezcal production, sales, and exports have continued
to fall post-COVID and have yet to recuperate to pre-pandemic levels. When comparing
statistics from the 2023 report, the 2024 data showed that production decreased 13.6%,
national sales within Mexico decreased 39%, and international exports decreased 8.4% [
30
]
(pp. 4–11). This quantitative data directly coincides with my conversations with ancestral
mezcal producers over last three years (based on informal interviews with residents of
Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca between 2022–2025.). The reasons behind this decrease,
according to the report, had to do with issues regarding the current state of the spirits
market worldwide. Specifically, “the decline in exports and falling (peso-dollar) exchange
rate have slowed the growth of this sector” [
30
] (p. 17). The report called for three specific
actions to help negotiate the current market slump: “1. Guaranteeing sustainability through
the application of the green seal, 2. Innovation through good production practices, and
3. Consumer education” [
30
] (p. 17) Some practical strategies for potentially applying these
points will be directly addressed in the conclusion of this article.
Wild 2025,2, 20 15 of 22
5.2. Overuse of Scarce Natural Resources
In general, the mezcal industry exacerbates threats to fragile local ecosystems and to
the autonomy and health of the human population through the overexploitation of natural
resources and the introduction of contaminants derived from pesticides, fertilizers, and
additives used in the cultivation of agaves and the production of mezcal. Mezcal production
intrinsically involves the use of potable water and, in the case of artisanal and ancestral
mezcal, the use of firewood. Throughout Oaxaca, natural river systems as well as manmade
groundwater and rainwater collection systems such as dams and wells exist that attempt
to maximize use of a resource that is particularly scarce in this semi-desertic environment.
An important point to consider is that this water is also utilized by humans, livestock, and
agriculture, resulting in at least four independent industry sectors that simultaneously
need access to the resource in varying quantities throughout the year. The water table is
periodically replenished during the rainy season, which typically extends from May to late
September, although these dates are beginning to shift due to climate change. As a result,
the dry season is becoming increasingly more arid, with a greater frequency of droughts
occurring throughout the region in recent years, causing an increasing scarcity of potable
water [31].
Mezcal production is particularly water intensive. As mentioned in the previous
section, water is formally used in two stages of production: during the wet fermentation
stage and during the distillation stage. Additionally, if cultivated fields of agaves are used,
farmers may periodically irrigate the plants if deemed necessary during the growing period.
For every 10 tons of raw agave, it is estimated that approximately 7000 L of water are used
for the wet fermentation stage and 15,000 L are used for the distillation stage [
32
]. On
average, 20 L of water are used to produce one liter of mezcal.
Firewood is another essential resource to produce mezcal that is naturally scarce in
many parts of Oaxaca, although it is a state known not only for its semi-arid climate but
also for its temperate deciduous forests that occur in higher altitude areas. There are several
species of hardwood that are utilized for firewood, including oak, copal, ash, and others,
but deforestation and a general absence of local reseeding initiatives or sustainable tree
farming have negatively affected the forests surrounding mezcal-producing areas. This
has occurred to such a degree that, in some communities, palenques may even purchase
“imported” firewood originating from other regions of the state or from the black-market
timber trade that illegally fells trees from forests in federally protected areas. Firewood is
essential for cooking the raw agaves and for the distillation stage. For every liter of mezcal
produced, it is estimated that, on average, seven kilograms of firewood are used [33].
It is also important to mention here that agaves are in and of themselves an inherently
scarce natural resource. As previously mentioned, the environmental health of the regions
where mezcal is produced depend on maintaining biodiversity, with agaves being one of
the keystone species of these ecosystems. Scarcity is the natural state of many agave species
because they reproduce slowly due to the prolonged extension of their natural life cycles
that can range from anywhere between 10 to approximately 30 years or more. Increased
market demand for mezcal during the last decade has, however, exacerbated the accel-
erated and even illegal extraction of these naturally scarce plants from the wild, creating
a problematic void in the pollination and fertilization processes that would eventually
replenish these populations. Although some agaves produce “pups”, or offshoots of the
mother plant that occur independent of pollination, not all species do so. Furthermore,
these offshoots are essentially propagated clones of the mother plant and are therefore not
as genetically diverse as seedlings [34].
When agaves are cultivated, they are typically organized by species, with one type
being planted and grown together at the same time in the same fields. This strategy
Wild 2025,2, 20 16 of 22
helps farmers identify the agaves over time, as well as keep track of when they were
planted and when they will likely be ready for harvest. Planting agaves also helps farmers
control fertilization and pesticide regimens if these techniques are employed. However,
monoculture farming heightens the plants’ potential exposure to pests, fungal infections,
and grazing by livestock that can quickly ravage an entire population due to their close
physical proximity to one another and organization according to a single species. Given
the increased scarcity of wild agaves, as well as other pertinent factors, this is a risk that
more and more mezcal producers are willing to take. The decision to cultivate agaves
also comes from socioeconomic necessity, especially as the increased natural scarcity of
the plants exacerbates competition for resources among mezcal producers. Before the
boom, mezcal producers would generally forage for their own agaves on communal
municipal lands or share farmland for cultivating them. Since the boom, however, these
same producers are more likely to establish their own private agave farms, or purchase
from those who have them, to better ensure a reliable crop yield as well as prevent theft of
these increasingly valuable plants. Furthermore, the unregulated black market trade in rare
agave species has increased, creating yet another threat for conservation [
35
]. This process
of privatization based in capitalist gain also lays the groundwork for internal social conflict
because it directly contradicts traditional systems of cultural organization based in practices
of communal resource sharing and reciprocity that are present in many mezcal-producing
communities in Oaxaca [36].
5.3. Climate Change and Desertification
Agaves are “natural” barriers to climate change, soil erosion, and desertification.
Without them, a loss of biodiversity, as well as potential ecosystem collapse, is almost
inevitable. Throughout the mezcal-producing regions of Oaxaca, processes of desertification
are actively occurring that could negatively impact the long-term profitability of the mezcal
market. Although many mezcal-producing communities in Oaxaca are in naturally semi-
arid environments, years of inadequate land management practices, coupled with broader
trends in climate change and the overextraction of agaves, are beginning to have a noticeable
effect on mezcal production. Based on personal observations and conversations with
ancestral mezcal producers, there are several factors that are directly correlated with
changes in the local environments where mezcal is produced. First, the overexploitation of
arable land derived from agricultural use and the implementation of pesticides, fertilizers,
monoculture farming techniques, and the abandonment of traditional crop rotation and
topsoil replenishment methods. Second, overgrazing by livestock that deplenishes topsoil,
contaminates the water table, and impedes agave seedling growth. Third, overexploitation
of naturally scarce resources such as potable water, firewood, and agaves, resulting in water
scarcity, topsoil erosion, sterilization of the soil, and loss of biodiversity via a process known
as “extinction debt” [
37
], or the idea that although species may initially survive severe
habitat degradation, they will eventually go extinct in the affected areas [
38
]. Fourth, the
piracy of endemic agave species for use in the mezcal market. Fifth, the overexploitation of
wild agave species without organized plans for sustainable management of the resource.
Sixth, changes in seasonal weather patterns, mainly associated with the arrival of rainy
season, the intensity of the rains, and an increased propensity of drought-like conditions
during the dry season. All these factors directly impact the cost of production, the timing
of harvest, fermentation, and distillation, the cost of labor, and the overall economic and
temporal investments made by mezcal producers who depend on the weather and other
environmental conditions for the creation of their product.
Wild 2025,2, 20 17 of 22
6. Conclusions: Potential Practical Actions for a “Rewilded”
Mezcal Market
To perpetuate long-term, sustainable production, the mezcal market is in dire need of
“rewilding”. Several recommendations and potential strategies to accomplish this are pre-
sented here that reflect on broader themes of production, consumption, and environmental
sustainability discussed throughout the article.
6.1. Reduce the Overall Rate of Mezcal Production to Compensate for the Natural Limitations of
Agaves and Resources Such as Water, Land, and Wood
This step is critical for the successful implementation of any environmental sustainabil-
ity initiative. Although reducing production seems contradictory to the service of market
demand, creating an increased artificial scarcity of the product would elevate demand,
making it more desirable as a luxury item on the spirits market and subsequently raising its
retail cost and potentially benefiting producers over time. Here, I want to reiterate one of
the strategies outlined by the Mexican Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural,
Pesca y Alimentación (SAGARPA) who, in their 2017 Planeación Agrícola Nacional 2017–2030
report, stated that specific actions guaranteeing the “sustainability of the raw material for
agroindustry (certified nurseries, plants, and seedling establishment)” are necessary for the
future of mezcal, forming part of a “maximizing” strategy regarding national productive
development of agaves [
39
] (p. 11). Encouraging formal certification pathways for nurs-
eries, as well as creating or augmenting local and regional purchasing networks between
mezcal producers and certified agave growers, could potentially normalize the chain of
production and perhaps decrease agave piracy and the overexploitation of wild resources,
as discussed in points 3 and 5. It is important to note, however, that this strategy relates
to ascertaining market sustainability, but does not address environmental sustainability
or larger issues regarding biodiversity beyond the nursery context. Although it may be a
potential starting point for better managing mezcal production in general and allowing
for the natural or managed repopulation of wild resources, maximization should not be
the overall goal of the mezcal industry. Instead, an overall reduction in production should
occur to focus on creating a product grounded in practical principles of environmental
sustainability that would benefit the industry in the long term.
6.2. Establish Practical Collaborative Networks with Mezcal Producers, the Federal Government,
and Interested Third Parties to Safeguard the Natural Resources and Biodiversity of the Areas
Impacted by Mezcal Production
This initiative already exists in some communities, where producers are also consid-
ered the custodians of the natural resources used in the production of mezcal based on the
system of bienes comunales (shared public lands). Government programs such as Sembrando
Vida, managed by the Secretaría de Bienestar, have taken advantage of these rural systems of
land management and social organization to seek to “attend two central problems: rural
poverty and environmental degregation” through its grant initiatives [
40
]. Specifically,
regarding the issue of sustainability in mezcal production, university researchers participat-
ing in this program have proposed initiatives and workshops in some mezcal-producing
communities regarding the following:
1. Propose technological improvements for the efficient use of firewood.
2. Evaluate techniques that improve kiln efficiency.
3. Evaluate technologies that allow for the integration of bagasse as a fuel.
4.
Propose systems for the efficient use of water in the distillation process at the palenque.
5. Design an efficient BCS burner (firewood, briquettes, or bagasse).
6. Design strategic supply chains for fuel supply.
Wild 2025,2, 20 18 of 22
7.
Test technologies for the treatment of must or vinasse, water recovery, and the feasibil-
ity of obtaining gaseous biofuels [41].
The implementation and consolidation of these kinds of strategies and innovative
technologies among local communities, the government, and interested third parties are a
necessary step for reinforcing general standards and practices of conservation that will also
prevent the potential overexploitation of these precious natural resources. However, dis-
cussions with interlocutors in Santa Catarina Minas revealed that Sembrando Vida programs
have tended to have only temporary or partial success, primarily because there is either
no follow-up or continuation of the program after the grant period ends or because the
strategies suggested by researchers are not practical or economically feasible in a real-world
context (based on informal interviews with mezcal producers in Santa Catarina Minas,
Oaxaca between 2022–2025). Therefore, to practically function, any conservation strategies
or technological innovations regarding this point should be thoroughly grounded within
local knowledges, real-world conditions, and socioeconomic considerations borne from
local community-based discussions instead of from external parties.
6.3. Implement Feasible Reforestation Programs and the Replanting of Endemic Agave Species
This recommendation acknowledges the multifaceted dynamics of internal munic-
ipal governmental politics that can affect the successful implementation of this strategy,
especially regarding limits to what activities individuals or collectives can implement
without prior local governmental approval. However, reproducing a conscious awareness
surrounding the importance of this initiative for the health of the local ecosystem has the
potential to affect change at the collective level for the benefit of the community and region.
Strategies here should be actively situated within the reinstitution or active reinforcement
of traditional land management practices that would reduce the overexploitation of already
scarce populations of wild agaves. Previous studies have suggested that “adequate” agave
plantation management would include:
1.
Protect young escapees by avoiding domestic animals to allow that at least 30% of adult
wild and cultured plants produce seeds for reforestation and genetic assuring diversity.
2. Consider the impact of seasonal changes on natural and cultured populations.
3. Introduce at least 20% of one- and 2-year-old cultured agave plants.
4.
Consider both professional ecological research and local knowledge to develop effec-
tive management programs [42] (p. 11).
Throughout Mexico, agave populations have been traditionally managed using in
situ Forestry (FS) and Agroforestry Systems (AFS), referring to locally specific systems of
land and biodiversity management that “integrates the use, conservation, and restoration
of multiple useful species of domesticated and wild plants and animals for different
purposes” [26] (p. 2). Traditional AFS where agaves are present include:
1.
Home gardens: “found next to or very near the houses of the families that manage
them. . . characterized by its high richness of native and exotic species diversity”,
2.
Agroforestry terraces: “embankment-based structures located on the slopes of hills
and mountains. . . allowing intensive annual and perennial management crops”,
3.
Melgas,apantles, and cooaxustles of the Tehuacán Valley, Puebla: areas where “all agave
species grow wild in these ecosystems within community territory. . . a considerable
number of individuals from species that form part of native forests are tolerated, pro-
moted, and/or protected due to the different benefits that can be obtained from them”,
4.
Agro-silvo-pastoral systems: integrated management of agaves with various other
species of plants and domestic animals in parcels, along with the presence of shade
trees for mutual interspecies benefit and use,
Wild 2025,2, 20 19 of 22
5.
Agave agroforests: community-level management initiative regarding the planting of
multiple species of agaves in a monitored, yet natural, environment, where factors that
could negatively impact propagation, pollination, and plant health, such as pastoral
animals, are actively controlled [43] (pp. 266–272).
In Santa Catarina Minas, for example, each of these types of AFS are present, demon-
strating an active integration of individual property boundaries with communal lands.
However, the management of these AFS greatly depends on positive mutual collabora-
tion among individuals, farmers, and the local government to be properly maintained. If
this type of collaboration is absent or fractured, the local ecosystems suffer, and loss of
biodiversity can occur.
6.4. Implement Water-Recycling Strategies Within the Mezcal Industry
Create strategies and practical actions to more effectively use and reuse the water
consumed during the distillation process that are feasible given the diverse socioeconomic
realities and real-world production conditions present in the communities who produce
mezcal. As mentioned in point 2, Sembrando Vida initiatives have called for the development
and implementation of more efficient systems for water use during the distillation process.
However, water is used throughout the mezcal production process as well as for the
irrigation of agave crops in some contexts. As a naturally semi-arid region, the Central
Valleys of Oaxaca suffers from water scarcity, a vital natural resource that is shared among
agricultural, domestic, pastoral, and mezcal sectors alike. Given this reality, water should
be reused and recycled whenever possible. The practical problem lies, however, in the ways
in which water is typically used during mezcal production. During the wet fermentation
process, for example, the water that is used to fill the vats becomes part of the liquid that
is eventually distilled. During distillation, fresh water is used as part of the evaporation
process, and this water may be recycled. It cannot, however, be reused by livestock or for
crop irrigation because it has been deoxygenized by boiling and is not fit for consumption
(interview with Shonga, maestro mezcalero in Santa Catarina Minas, Oaxaca, 6 March 2025).
A possible solution lies in the general reduction of water use regarding the number of
distillations common in mezcal production. For example, instead of distilling the same
mezcal twice or even three times to achieve a particular flavor profile or alcohol content,
producers could theoretically reduce this to a single distillation to conserve water. This
would require, however, a marked reorientation of mezcal producers, and the industry
in general, toward valuing water conservation over measures of purported “quality”
supposedly implied by multiple distillations.
6.5. Avoid the Piracy and Illegal Sale of Wild and Endangered Agave Species
This step requires visualizing of the problem among mezcal consumers and a general
shift away from the demand for “rare” species of agave in the mezcal market toward more
sustainable, albeit less “exotic” varieties. Furthermore, local producers should actively
denounce piracy by not participating in the purchase of threatened species and by reporting
any black-market activity to the corresponding authorities. In practice, this recommen-
dation may be idealistic and is perhaps not feasible given the contemporary realities of
mezcal production in Oaxaca. However, as pointed out in points 1 and 3, initiatives re-
garding the facilitation of more formally certified agave growers, as well as emphasizing a
return to traditional AFS throughout the region, could help lower incidences of piracy as
well as black-market demand. Broader educational strategies regarding the importance
of maintaining biodiverse local ecosystems and pollinator chains and the specific role of
agaves in these contexts should also be implemented at a community level.
Wild 2025,2, 20 20 of 22
6.6. Avoid Massive Monoculture Agave Planting Projects
This recommendation goes directly against the current capitalist trends that govern
the mezcal market. However, I argue that the abandonment of large-scale monoculture
agave farming is necessary to maintain biodiversity, overall soil health, and the future of
the mezcal industry. If cultivated fields are used, growers should move toward an agave
agroforest approach, as mentioned in point 3, where species diversity is valued, and the
use of chemical pesticides and fertilizers is minimal or nonexistent. Ideally, the agaves
planted in these contexts would also be genetically diverse, instead of inbred clones taken
from a single mother plant. Furthermore, these plantations would occur within a more
natural context, thereby avoiding erosion and mineral depletion of the topsoil because the
agaves are grown with other species of plants.
6.7. Promote a Return to More “Homemade” Mezcal Production Techniques
I recommend the cessation of industrial mezcal production in all its forms in favor of
ancestral or artisanal techniques that are more compatible with long-term environmental
sustainability and community socioeconomic well-being. Industrial mezcal production
favors the capitalist model of supply and demand but is not sustainable in the long term
given the biological realities of the agave life cycle and the semi-arid environmental con-
ditions where agaves naturally grow. I recognize that the hegemonic influence of the
capitalist market system and the sociopolitical realities of globalization complicate the
practical implementation of this and other strategies in Oaxaca. However, I believe that
local stakeholders, i.e., the individuals and communities who produce mezcal, are the key
for preserving not only the mezcal-producing tradition but also the biodiversity of the
natural environments within which they live, and I therefore remain cautiously optimistic
that it is indeed possible to “rewild” mezcal.
Funding: This research was funded by the Mexican Secretaría de Ciencia, Humanidades, Tecnología
e Innovación (SECIHTI) (formally CONAHCYT) through their “Estancias posdoctorales por México”
federal grant program, grant number 740586.
Institutional Review Board Statement: This study, as approved under Mexican federal grant number
740586, conforms to the general ethical guidelines for social scientific research conducted in Mexico
according to funding institution (Secretaría de Ciencia, Humanidades, Tecnología e Innovación
(SECIHTI)) and conforms to the host institution’s (UNAM) Code of Ethics, published in the Gaceta
UNAM on 1 July 2015.
Informed Consent Statement: Informed verbal consent for the recording, transcription, and divulga-
tion of qualitative ethnographic data was obtained from all interlocutors involved in the study before
any formal interviews were conducted. Verbal consent was preferential because it facilitated access
to some participants who could not read or write in Spanish.
Data Availability Statement: Data from this study is available from the author by request.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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