
2 Krista McQueeney and Alicia Girgenti-Malone
lived experiences, and life outcomes. While scholars have long studied inequal-
ity from a gender- or race-only perspective, intersectionality views “race, class,
gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and age, among others, as mutually constructing sys-
tems of power” (Collins, 2002, p. 11). Although intersectionality theory is not
new (see Crenshaw, 1989; 1991), it has grown considerably in the social sciences
over the past few years (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Potter, 2015). Criminologists and
sociologists have only recently begun to interrogate the ways in which girls’ and
women’s intersecting identities inuence their experiences with crime, victimi-
zation, and criminal justice outcomes (Burgess-Proctor, 2006; Chesney-Lind &
Jones, 2010; Jones, 2010; Miller, 2008; Potter, 2008, 2013; Richie, 1996).
This volume uses an intersectional perspective to analyze how multiple iden-
tities and oppressions contribute to aggressive behavior and differential justice
system outcomes for girls of Color, poor girls, and LGBTQ girls. Although our
focus is on the criminalization of girls’ aggression – not missing persons – there is
considerable overlap between the contemporary “problem” of mean and aggres-
sive girls and the missing DC girls’ case. First, just as DC activists raised aware-
ness that media outlets disproportionately cover missing persons cases involving
White women and girls, the media’s “mean girls” – that is, young women who
use indirect aggression to win favor among boys and to gain status within the
adolescent pecking order – are White, middle class, and heterosexual (think the
Hollywood blockbuster Mean Girls). In the same way that media accounts of
missing (White) children can fuel “moral panic” – a media-hyped threat to the
safety of “our” children (Best, 1990) – the media’s love affair with “mean girls” is
a grossly exaggerated threat to “good girls” and respectable femininity (Chesney-
Lind & Irwin, 2008). The authors in this volume go even further by empirically
examining the racialization and sexualization of the moral panic surrounding
girls’ aggression. For example, when the stories of aggressive young women of
Color are picked up by news outlets, they are almost always depicted as violent
predators. As Chesney-Lind and Pasko (this volume) put it, “the clear message
in the contemporary coverage of girls’ violence is that while White girls might
be ‘mean,’ the kind of aggression and violence that requires criminalization (and
incarceration) is being committed almost exclusively by girls of Color, often liv-
ing in marginalized, low income neighborhoods.” Additionally, when queer and/
or trans girls of Color are represented by media, they are often vilied for their
purported gender disorders, gang afliations, and anti-male rage (McQueeney &
Girgenti-Malone, this volume). Intersectionality compels us to analyze these
unmistakable disparities in media representations of young women in order to
transform simplistic understandings of girls’ aggression and move beyond the dis-
course of “mean girls.” Examining the social consequences of media representa-
tions for the experiences of and criminal justice responses to young women across
diverse social locations deepens our understanding of race, class, and sexuality
inequities among women and girls in the justice system.
Second, we must take a step back to consider the social and structural con-
texts that contribute to girls’ aggression (see Irwin & King, this volume). Media
accounts of the missing DC girls failed to interrogate why rates of missing per-
sons are higher among girls of Color than among other children. So, too, the