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All are ways to repurpose a platform to build community and thus to create fandom.
Embedded within this (mostly female) community are complex patterns of authority,
reciprocity, and exchange that can usefully be described as an expression of a gift cul-
ture. Marcel Mauss’s short ethnographic work The Gift provides us with the insight that
gifts are not really freely given; rather, they rely on a complex interplay of reciprocity
among stakeholders, in terms of the larger group rather than the individual.1 Rachael
Sabotini was the first to apply Mauss’s notions of gift culture to fan culture in terms
of building status within a fan community.2 As I noted in my 2009 contribution to the
“In Focus” on fandom and feminism, “Online media fandom is a gift culture in the
symbolic realm in which fan gift exchange is performed in complex, even exclusion-
ary symbolic ways that create a stable nexus of giving, receiving, and reciprocity that
results in a community occupied with theorizing its own genderedness.”3 I stand by
this assertion despite scholarship that has questioned the gift versus the commercial—a
useful stance in that “the labor framework provides a powerful way to value what fans
are doing, in contrast to the dismissals that have long attended fandom.”4 The attempt
to permit fans to shift the traditional gift culture aside in favor of a commercial model
is a way to legitimize fan activity by placing it into the dominant paradigm.
If what a fan does is so valuable, why should she not profit from it? Certainly I
would never argue that she should not profit. Instead, I would argue that ways to profit
tend to not be legitimized by the fannish group, which remains a gift culture.5 This gift
culture is a remnant of the fanzine era, when a desire to fly under the radar of copy-
right owners led to “no infringement intended, no profit made” statements in head-
notes of fan creations and set the tenor of engagement with producers: “We’re just
playing, no harm meant.” Certainly some fannish groups have managed to construct
a system that permits payment, but such attempts must be initiated by and embedded
within the fandom in question. Such profiting must be a form of making use of; it must
grow out of the fandom’s community and its relationships with the powers that be, the
copyright holders. It cannot be unilaterally imposed, and proposed constructions, such
as use of Creative Commons copyright statements, are merely thought experiments.6
1 Marcel Mauss, “Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques,” L’année sociologique,
1923–1924, http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k93922b; Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for
Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990).
2 Rachael Sabotini, “The Fannish Potlatch: Creation of Status within the Fan Community,” Fanfic Symposium, 1999,
http://www.trickster.org/symposium/symp41.htm.
3 Karen Hellekson, “A Fannish Field of Value: Online Fan Gift Culture,” Cinema Journal 48, no. 4 (2009): 114.
4 Mel Stanfill and Megan Condis, “Fandom and/as Labor,” Transformative Works and Cultures, no. 15 (2014),
http://dx.doi.org/10.3983/twc.2014.0593, para. 3.4.
5 Nele Noppe, “Why Companies Can Profit from Fanworks in Japan’s Hybrid Economy for Dojinshi,” Academia.edu, July 5,
2013, http://www.academia.edu/4141821/Why_companies_can_profit_from_fanworks_in_Japans_hybrid_economy
_for_dojinshi.
6 Casey Fiesler, “Everything I Need to Know I Learned from Fandom: How Existing Social Norms Can Help Shape
the Next Generation of User-Generated Content,” Vanderbilt Journal of Entertainment and Technology Law 10,
no. 3 (2008): 729–762; Suzanne Scott, “Repackaging Fan Culture: The Regifting Economy of Ancillary Content
Models,” Transformative Works and Cultures, no. 3 (2009), http://dx.doi.org/10.3983/twc.2009.0150; Abigail De
Kosnik, “Should Fan Fiction Be Free?,” Cinema Journal 48, no. 4 (2009): 118–124; Mel Stanfill, “Fandom, Public,
Commons,” Transformative Works and Cultures, no. 14 (2013), http://dx.doi.org/10.3983/twc.2013.0530.