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Focus Geopolitics – Finding the balance between the shift to extremes and
dissuasion
Major countries’ desire for strategic autonomy and rising geopolitical tensions are fuelling a trend of widespread
rearmament which, paradoxically, could become a source of tension itself.
As Russia – now officially at war – hardens its ideology,
geopolitical issues in Europe are moving more quickly.
In addition, the possibility that Donald Trump could be
re-elected is increasing. While this is still just a
hypothesis, many countries are beginning to rethink
their strategies. As such, French President Emmanuel
Macron launched a major debate in Europe over
sending troops to Ukraine, driven by challenges on the
front line and concerns that allies across the Atlantic
would withdraw even further.
Power by association is weakening
Concerns over the US’ role as a reliable ally have
been apparent in some countries for several years
now. Indeed, Trump’s first term already highlighted the
risks of volatility in US strategy, although some of the
main aspects of this strategy were preserved despite
political differences, in particular policy towards China,
a policy that has bi-partisan support in Congress.
However, this is not the case with the war in Ukraine,
and if Trump is re-elected and decides to negotiate with
Vladimir Putin ‘man to man’, it could be a game changer.
More recently, the war in Gaza has shown how
challenging it has been for the US to keep its ally Israel
in line. Sporadic airdrops of aid, rather than the
hundreds of trucks that are needed every day, are a
clear sign of weakness for a country that remains a
military superpower – capable of supplying weapons but
unable to implement an adequate humanitarian aid
operation.
As such, it is not just the risk that the US could turn
its back on its allies, but more broadly, the fact that
it does not appear to be the best positioned to
stabilise the system of international relations. This
is driving the rise in military spending throughout the
world, with each country seeking to consolidate its
autonomy and ability to protect itself in the face of ever-
increasing threats. Widespread rearmament is a tactic
being used to bolster offensive strategies, for those
countries looking to change the world order or shift
regional borders, but also for defensive and dissuasive
approaches, for those that feel threatened by sweeping
fragmentation.
This covert rush to obtain weapons means that the
classic risk of a ‘security dilemma’ is also increasing.
Unfortunately, this covert rush to obtain weapons
means that the classic risk of a ‘security dilemma’ is also
increasing, particularly in the most volatile regions.
There is a temptation to be the first to attack before an
adversary becomes too powerful, given that it is
impossible to know whether the other side is
accumulating weapons to attack or to defend itself. The
balance between a policy of dissuasion and a
security dilemma will be increasingly difficult to
strike in the coming years, but it will be the only way
to counter the shift to extremes.
US allies are wary
Tokyo has already started a strategic review, as
indicated in its most recent and much more
offensive military programming law, which broke
from its long-standing tradition of pacifism. Japan is
dealing with a triple threat from China, Russia and North
Korea, and the issue of sovereignty is critical. Chinese
aggression around the Kinmen Islands and repeated
clashes between Philippine and Chinese boats are also
generating increased concern: tension and the risk of
incidents are omnipresent in the South China Sea. As
such, Japan is looking to develop its own defence
capabilities, while also promoting closer ties with
regional allies such as South Korea, the Philippines and
Australia. The US is no longer the most important ally in
these closer ties (especially with South Korea), but
remains a key alliance partner. Tokyo is also looking to
collaborate with AUKUS (Australia, the UK and the US).
Similarly, Saudi Arabia’s lavish arms spending is
another aspect of this search for greater military
autonomy, although the Gulf remains under the
American protective umbrella. Do not forget that issues
of defence in this region have historical resonance. The
Quincy Agreement, signed between US President
Franklin D Roosevelt and the Saudi king in 1945,
provided security protection for oil, literally underpinning
the surge in US post-war power. In fact, the oil-dollar-
military-industrial complex axis was born out of this
pact, an axis that is weakened every time Saudi Arabia
gets closer to China.
In Europe, the question of whether to make budget
trade-offs in favour of military spending is now
being asked, and the impacts of rearmament are
already apparent in the government budgets of the
most-exposed countries, such as Poland and the
Baltic states. Nonetheless, there is a huge mountain to
climb in terms of strategic independence, with the US
accounting for 70% of NATO’s total spending on
average. Indeed, only eleven NATO members are
expected to meet the commitment to allocate 2% of
GDP to defence spending. According to Moody’s,
France is expected to join the 2% club this year, but we
will have to wait until at least 2025 for Germany, 2028