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CIVIL

DISOBEDIENCE

Volumes 1–2

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CIVIL

DISOBEDIENCE

An Encyclopedic History of Dissidence in the United States

Mary Ellen Snodgrass

Volumes 1–2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Snodgrass, Mary Ellen.

Civil disobedience: an encyclopedic history of dissidence in the United States / Mary Ellen

Snodgrass.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-7656-8127-0 (hardcover: alk. paper)

1. Civil disobedience—United States—History. I. Title.

JC328.3.S64 2008

303.6'10973—dc22 2008007975

Cover photos provided by the following (clockwise, from top): Chris Kleponis/Stringer/AFP/Getty

Images; Michael Rougier/Stringer/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images; Library of Congress; Don Craves/

Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images.

First published 2009 by M.E. Sharpe

Published 2015

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint

of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

by Routledge

No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,

mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including

photocopying

and

recording,

or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notices

No responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to

persons or property

as a matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise,

or from any use of operation of any

methods, products, instructions or ideas contained in the material herein.

Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and

knowledge in evaluating

and using any information , methods , compounds, or

experiments described herein. In using such

information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others,

including parties for

whom they have a professional responsibility.

Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and

are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

ISBN 13: 9780765681270 (hbk)

2009

for Fielding Clark and Steve Hunt, champions of justice

All men recognize the right of revolution;

that is, the right to refuse allegiance to,

and to resist, the government,

when its tyranny or its inefﬁ ciency are great

and unendurable.

Henry David Thoreau

Civil Disobedience, 1849

If our ideals are of any true value

they have to cost us something.

Martin Sheen

The Right Words at the Right Time, 2002

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vii

Contents

Volume 1

Topic Finder ............................................................ ix

Preface ..................................................................... xi

Ac know ledg ments ................................................xiii

Introduction .........................................................xvii

A–Z Entries

abolitionism .............................................................3

abortion ....................................................................6

ACT- UP .....................................................................9

Alianza Movement ...............................................12

American Indian Movement ...............................13

Animal Liberation Front ......................................21

apartheid ................................................................22

Baez, Joan ...............................................................24

Baptists ...................................................................25

Bay of Pigs invasion ..............................................29

Berrigan brothers ..................................................29

birth control ...........................................................32

black militias ..........................................................38

Bonus March ..........................................................40

Booth War ..............................................................43

bootleg AIDS drugs ..............................................44

Boston Tea Party ...................................................46

Braden, Anne, and Carl Braden ..........................53

Brown, John ...........................................................54

busing, school ........................................................57

Celia ........................................................................59

Chávez, César ........................................................60

Chicago Seven ....................................................... 61

Christiana Riot ......................................................63

civil disobedience .................................................65

Cleburne County Draft War ...............................70

Cofﬁ n, Levi ............................................................71

Cofﬁ n, William Sloane, Jr. ..................................73

conscientious objectors ........................................ 74

Cortina War ...........................................................89

Coxey’s Army .........................................................89

Davis, Angela .........................................................92

Day, Dorothy .........................................................93

death penalty .........................................................95

Doy, John W. .........................................................96

draft card burning ................................................97

Drayton, Daniel .....................................................98

Earth First! ........................................................... 101

educating slaves ..................................................102

euthanasia ............................................................107

Fairbank, Calvin, and Delia Ann Webster ...... 110

Farmer, James ...................................................... 111

female genital mutilation...................................113

First Amendment rights ..................................... 114

ﬁ sh- ins ..................................................................120

ﬂ ag burning .........................................................123

ﬂ ag saluting ..........................................................124

Fonda, Jane ...........................................................125

food riots ..............................................................127

Freedom Rides .....................................................129

Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 ................................131

Garner, Margaret ................................................134

Garrison, William Lloyd ....................................135

Gaspee, burning of ...............................................138

gay and lesbian rights ........................................139

genocide protest .................................................. 141

Ginsberg, Allen ...................................................142

Goldman, Emma .................................................143

Great Starvation Experiment ............................145

Green Corn Rebellion ........................................ 147

Greenpeace .......................................................... 147

Guantánamo ........................................................ 149

Haymarket Riot ...................................................152

House Committee on

Un- American Activities .................................153

Hutchinson, Anne, and Mary Dyer .................157

Industrial Workers of the World.......................159

Iraq War ................................................................ 161

Japa nese internment ...........................................164

Jayhawkers ........................................................... 165

Jerry Rescue ......................................................... 167

Jones, Mother .......................................................169

Journey of Reconciliation ..................................173

viii Contents

Thoreau, Henry David .......................................299

Tubman, Harriet ..................................................302

Underground Railroad ......................................305

Vaughan, Hester ..................................................315

Vieques, Puerto Rico ..........................................315

Vietnam War ........................................................ 319

voter registration .................................................323

Whiskey Rebellion ..............................................325

Wilkins, Roy ........................................................326

Winchester exiles ................................................327

woman suffrage ..................................................332

Woolman, John ....................................................338

Volume 2

Chronology: Historic Acts of Conscience .......341

Acts of Conscience and Civil Disobedience ....375

Acts of Conscience and

Civil Disobedience, by Location .....................483

Documents.....................................................605

Association of the Sons of Liberty in

New York (December 15, 1773) ....................607

The Liberator: Inaugural Editorial,

William Lloyd Garrison (January 1, 1831) ....608

On Civil Disobedience (1849),

Henry David Thoreau ...................................609

John Brown’s Final Speech

(November 2, 1859) ........................................620

Trial Remarks of Susan B. Anthony (1873) .....621

No- Conscription League Manifesto

(1917), Emma Goldman .................................623

John Lewis Remembers the Nashville

Sit- Ins (1960) ....................................................624

Student Nonviolent Coordinating

Committee Founding Statement (1960) ......627

Letter from Birmingham Jail,

Martin Luther King, Jr. (April 16, 1963) ......627

Indians of All Nations, The Alcatraz

Proclamation to the Great White

Father and His People (1969) ........................636

Texas v. Johnson (1989) ..........................................638

ACT- UP Civil Disobedience Training .............644

Glossary ................................................................649

Bibliography .........................................................659

Index ...................................................................... I–1

Kaho‘Olawe, Hawaii ..........................................176

King, Martin Luther, Jr. ....................................179

Ku Klux Klan .......................................................183

labor strikes ..........................................................186

Lay, Benjamin ......................................................190

Liberty Men ......................................................... 191

marijuana ............................................................. 193

Maule, Thomas ....................................................194

Mennonites ..........................................................195

Minkins, Fredric “Shadrach” ............................197

Minutemen ..........................................................199

nuclear protest .....................................................201

Oberlin- Wellington Rescue ...............................204

obscenity and pornography ..............................206

O’Hare, Kate Richards .......................................209

Parks, Rosa ........................................................... 211

peace movement .................................................212

People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals ....215

peyote ...................................................................217

polygamy ..............................................................218

Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr. .................................222

Pullman Strike of 1894 .......................................225

Quakers ................................................................228

Randolph, A. Philip ............................................246

Regulators ............................................................247

Richardson, Gloria ..............................................249

Rogerenes ............................................................. 250

ROTC ....................................................................252

Rustin, Bayard .....................................................253

Sacco and Vanzetti case .....................................255

Sanctuary Movement .........................................256

School of the Americas Watch ..........................258

Scopes trial ...........................................................261

Shakers .................................................................262

Shays’s Rebellion .................................................264

Sheehan, Cindy ...................................................265

Sheen, Martin ......................................................267

Sims, Thomas M. ................................................269

sit- down strikes ...................................................270

sit- ins .....................................................................272

Sons of Liberty ....................................................276

Standing Bear ......................................................290

Stanley, Rick .........................................................291

Student Nonviolent Coordinating

Committee .......................................................292

tax re sis tance .......................................................295

temperance...........................................................297

Causes, Issues, and Sources of Protest

abolitionism

abortion

apartheid

birth control

bootleg AIDS drugs

busing, school

death penalty

educating slaves

euthanasia

female genital mutilation

First Amendment rights

ﬂ ag burning

ﬂ ag saluting

Fugitive Slave Law of 1850

gay and lesbian rights

genocide protest

Guantánamo

Iraq War

Japa nese internment

Kaho‘Olawe, Hawaii

marijuana

nuclear protest

obscenity and pornography

peace movement

peyote

polygamy

tax re sis tance

temperance

Vieques, Puerto Rico

Vietnam War

voter registration

woman suffrage

Forms of Protest

bootleg AIDS drugs

civil disobedience

conscientious objectors

draft card burning

educating slaves

ﬁ sh- ins

ﬂ ag burning

Biographies

Baez, Joan

Berrigan brothers

Braden, Anne, and Carl Braden

Brown, John

Celia

Chávez, César

Cofﬁ n, Levi

Cofﬁ n, William Sloane, Jr.

Davis, Angela

Day, Dorothy

Doy, John W.

Drayton, Daniel

Fairbank, Calvin, and Delia Ann Webster

Farmer, James

Fonda, Jane

Garner, Margaret

Garrison, William Lloyd

Ginsberg, Allen

Goldman, Emma

Hutchinson, Anne, and Mary Dyer

Jones, Mother

King, Martin Luther, Jr.

Lay, Benjamin

Maule, Thomas

Minkins, Fredric “Shadrach”

O’Hare, Kate Richards

Parks, Rosa

Powell, Adam Clayton, Jr.

Randolph, A. Philip

Richardson, Gloria

Rustin, Bayard

Sheehan, Cindy

Sheen, Martin

Sims, Thomas M.

Standing Bear

Stanley, Rick

Thoreau, Henry David

Tubman, Harriet

Vaughan, Hester

Wilkins, Roy

Woolman, John

Topic Finder

x Topic Finder

Vietnam War

Whiskey Rebellion

Organizations, Institutions, Groups,

and Movements

ACT- UP

Alianza Movement

American Indian Movement

Animal Liberation Front

Baptists

black militias

Chicago Seven

conscientious objectors

Coxey’s Army

Earth First!

Greenpeace

Industrial Workers of the World

Jayhawkers

Ku Klux Klan

Liberty Men

Mennonites

Minutemen

peace movement

People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals

Quakers

Regulators

Rogerenes

ROTC

Sanctuary Movement

School of the Americas Watch

Shakers

Sons of Liberty

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

Underground Railroad

Winchester exiles

food riots

Freedom Rides

genocide protest

labor strikes

nuclear protest

sit- down strikes

sit- ins

tax re sis tance

Underground Railroad

Historical Events and Acts of Protest

Bay of Pigs invasion

Bonus March

Booth War

Boston Tea Party

Christiana Riot

Cleburne County Draft War

Cortina War

Coxey’s Army

food riots

Freedom Rides

Fugitive Slave Law of 1850

Gaspee, burning of

Great Starvation Experiment

Green Corn Rebellion

Haymarket Riot

House Committee on Un- American Activities

Iraq War

Jerry Rescue

Journey of Reconciliation

Oberlin- Wellington Rescue

Pullman Strike of 1894

Sacco and Vanzetti case

Scopes trial

Shays’s Rebellion

Preface

Civil Disobedience: An Encyclopedic History of Dissi-

dence in the United States invites the student, his-

torian, researcher, writer, genealogist, archivist,

teacher, librarian, journalist, or general reader to

investigate by concept, era, event, group, or indi-

vidual dissenter the history of protest in the

United States. The text orders information alpha-

betically by name, theme, struggle, protest style,

and or ga ni za tion to set in historical context our

nation’s signal acts of conscience, from protest-

ing religious doctrine and feeding starved pris-

oners to protecting sweatshop seamstresses from

exploitation and demonstrating against war. En-

tries summarize the personal and religious te-

nets and the efforts of individuals to end wasteful

combat, ensure runaway slaves safe passage via

the Underground Railroad, free women from

patriarchal control, and accord full repre sen ta-

tion to minority groups in society.

Enhancing the historical data are citations

from the personal writings of James Farmer, Wil-

liam Lloyd Garrison, Emma Goldman, Oliver

Wendell Holmes, Eleanor Roo se velt, Margaret

Sanger, Cindy Sheehan, Martin Sheen, and

Henry David Thoreau, as well as the words of

freed slaves and champions of native sovereignty

on Indian reservations and on the islands of

Kaho‘Olawe, Hawaii, and Vieques, Puerto Rico.

Additional details identify participants in mem-

orable events and movements in American

history—the Boston Tea Party, conscientious ob-

jection, the Freedom Rides, the Great Starvation

Experiment, the temperance movement, and

woman suffrage. Photos, bookplates, and por-

traits round out the reader’s introduction to a

network of deﬁ ant acts that broadened our free-

doms at home and work, in schools and churches,

and throughout the public sphere.

Research materials derive from a variety of

sources, including personal diaries, press inter-

views, memoirs, histories and commentaries,

and overviews of national progress. Rounding out

the text, additional study aids particularize the

person, place, date, concept, and event.

“Chronology: Historic Acts of Conscience,” a

373- year timeline of events, illustrates the shift

in demands on democracy resulting from free-

dom from androcentric and theocratic control to

opportunities for minorities to ﬁ nd jobs, buy

homes, educate themselves, and enjoy the bless-

ings of liberty. The span covers stirring events,

from the looting of tea from East India Company

ships and the spread of Sons and Daughters of

Liberty cells throughout the 13 original colonies

to the liberalization of birth control laws, the

unionization of stoop laborers in strawberry and

lettuce ﬁ elds, and the ac cep tance of women and

nonwhites as voters and candidates for public

ofﬁ ce.

“Acts of Conscience and Civil Disobedience,”

a comprehensive list, organizes by target of ac-

tion the date, name and occupation, city and

state, action, and punishment for protest and de-

ﬁ ance, ranging from nonviolent passport viola-

tion, walking on the grass, picketing, sit- ins,

bootlegging pharmaceuticals for AIDS treat-

ment, providing asylum to illegal aliens, selling

birth- control manuals and devices, and factory

sit- down strikes to arson, highway robbery, as-

sault, and murder. The compilation concludes

with the risks to dissidents, from expulsion from

school, job loss, and public humiliation to police

brutality, lynching, ﬂ ogging, exile, imprison-

ment on bread and water, abandonment in the

woods, and hanging.

“Acts of Conscience and Civil Disobedience,

by Location” organizes by state, territory, and re-

gion—alphabetically from Alabama to Wyo-

ming—the targets of civil disobedience in chron-

ological order. Additional data include name and

occupation, location by city or county, action,

and punishment for protest and deﬁ ance, from

threats, book burning, and blacklisting to prison

at hard labor and tube- feeding to end work-

house fasts.

The compilation offers insight into the types

of protest common to each region, such as

polygamy in Arizona and Utah, trespass on the

xii Preface

exhibitionism of Benjamin Lay, ACT- UP, and Code

Pink—and cross- references to similar terms,

such as abetting/complicity/sympathizing and com-

pliance/capitulation. Additional information offers

antonyms—antimilitarism/jingoism, bigotry/ plural-

ism, conservatism/liberalism—and terms frequently

confused with each entry, such as sedition/treason

and ethics/morals.

A bibliography lists both primary and second-

ary sources, the former written by eyewitnesses to

Quaker dissent, agents of the Underground Rail-

road, Pullman labor strikers, and organizers of the

Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and

the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.

The secondary source list recommends to the re-

searcher or librarian worthy books, periodicals,

and pamphlets that provide more detailed infor-

mation about Gandhian paciﬁ sm, ﬂ ag burning,

imprisonment on Parchman Farm, and the voy-

age of the Pearl.

An exhaustive index lists major entries (such

as Rogerenes, ROTC, Standing Bear, Harriet Tub-

man). Additional topics include people (Prudence

Crandall, Grandmothers for Peace, Abraham

Johannes Muste, Navajo, George Yamada), move-

ments (Children’s Crusade for Amnesty, Code

Pink: Women for Peace, lettuce boycott, Opera-

tion Rescue), institutions (La Clínica del Pueblo,

Native American Church, National Institutes of

Health, Oberlin College, U.S. Congress), events

(bus strikes, Mexican War, Olympics, Salem Witch

Trials of 1692, Selma to Montgomery March), issues

(birth control, British colonialism, lynching, na-

palm, whiskey tax), publications (Civil Disobedience,

The Liberator, Speak Truth to Power, Uncle Tom’s Cabin,

Watchtower), and places (free labor store, Lassen

National Forest, Mayﬂ ower II in Plymouth, Mass-

achusetts, Navy Memorial, Wounded Knee). His-

torical events and milestones—the Vietnam Peace

Parade, the Demo cratic National Convention of

1968, the garbage workers’ strike preceding the

assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., the Battle

of Alamance Creek, the Red Scare, and the lettuce

boycott that launched the United Farm Workers

union—typify the purpose and results of individ-

ual acts of conscience.

islands of Kaho‘Olawe and Vieques, slave relay

in Kansas and Ohio, euthanasia in Michigan,

ﬁ sh- ins in Wisconsin and Washington State,

nuclear sabotage in Mary land, labor strikes in

Illinois, contempt of court in the Marshall

Islands, suffrage protest in Washington, DC,

heresy in Massachusetts, the teaching of evolu-

tion in Tennessee, and black voter registration in

Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi.

Signiﬁ cant primary sources pinpoint the phi-

losophy of dissent and the issues that generated

discussion and revolt against untenable laws and

traditions. Early American documents cover the

rebellion of the Sons of Liberty against En glish

rule, William Lloyd Garrison’s maiden editorial

on slavery for the abolitionist newspaper The Lib-

erator, John Brown’s oratory concerning human

bondage, and Henry David Thoreau’s pace setting

essay “On Civil Disobedience,” a beacon to mod-

erates who hesitated to condemn faulty national

laws. After the Civil War, when issues turned

from slave rights to feminism and paciﬁ sm, the

words of Susan B. Anthony and Emma Goldman

galvanized movements that precipitated conﬂ ict

and upgraded human conditions for women and

military conscripts. The 1960s produced bold

statements regarding the racial divide that pre-

vented full involvement for black and Native

Americans in schools, housing, transportation,

employment, and jury trials. From Martin Luther

King, Jr.’s, guidance in nonviolent protest and

from Native American demands of retribution

for land theft and genocide derived initiatives to

redistribute the blessings of liberty to nonwhite

citizens. Subsequent documents governing ﬂ ag

desecration and insistence on public intervention

in the plight of AIDS patients pressed American

leaders to acknowledge individual demands in

gray areas such as First Amendment rights and

gay rights that demanded of the republic broader

deﬁ nitions of liberty.

A glossary of 140 technical terms provides deﬁ -

nitions for words found in the text, such as mobil-

ization, ad hoc, vigilantism, sect, doctrinaire, and

apartheid. Along with the explanations, readers will

ﬁ nd applications from history—for example, the

xiii

Susan Crane, docent

Jonah House

Baltimore, Mary land

Julie Culp, reference librarian

Jonathan Trumbull Library

Lebanon, Connecticut

Patricia S. Curl, reference librarian

Tom Dillard, library director

Cabarrus County Public Library

Concord, North Carolina

Sean Davis, reference librarian

Central Library

Evansville, Indiana

Donna Denniston, reference librarian

Oklahoma State Library

Norman, Oklahoma

Barbara Dickinson, archivist

Rebecca Ebert, archivist

Handley Library

Winchester, Virginia

Nancy Dupree, se nior archivist

Alabama Department of Archives and History

Montgomery, Alabama

Gwen Erickson, archivist

Guilford College

Guilford, North Carolina

Pat Esposito, reference librarian

Pima County Public Library

Tucson, Arizona

Naomi Allen, reference librarian

Tina Vegelante, reference librarian

State Library of Massachusetts

Boston, Massachusetts

Chel Avery, director

Quaker Information Center

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Janice Bickham, reference librarian

West Virginia Library Commission

Charleston, West Virginia

Michele L. Brann, reference librarian

Maine State Library

Augusta, Maine

Judy Brown, se nior librarian

Denver Public Library

Denver, Colorado

Wendy E. Chmielewski, curator

Swarthmore College Peace Collection

Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

Walter A. Clayton, reference librarian

Live Oak Public Libraries

Savannah, Georgia

Julie W. Cox, librarian

Pamlico County Library

Bayboro, North Carolina

Al Craig, reference librarian

Alabama Public Library System

Montgomery, Alabama

Ac know ledg ments

I could not have completed this text without advice from researchers, theologians, archivists, genealogists,

historians, and a long list of reference librarians, the backbone of scholarship. Historical and genealogical

societies, college libraries, church and synagogue librarians, the Library of Congress, and specialists in

Quaker, Mennonite, Baptist, and black church history elucidated details and suggested different points of

view on the aims and legalities of civil disobedience. I found particularly helpful the electronic version of

Harper’s Weekly and the Latter- Day Saints’ online Family History and Genealogy Rec ords.

For questions answered and muddles clariﬁ ed, I owe thanks to reference librarians and archivists at

these institutions:

xiv Ac know ledg ments

Heather Lawton, reference librarian

Renee Willkom, reference librarian

Minneapolis Public Library

Minneapolis, Minnesota

Travis Lloyd, reference librarian

Kanawha County Public Library

Charleston, West Virginia

Lynn K. Lucas, local history librarian

Adriance Memorial Library

Poughkeepsie, New York

Kelly McBride, director

Russell County Library

Lebanon, Virginia

Gail McCulloch, reference librarian

Salt Lake City Public Library

Salt Lake City, Utah

Mary Morgan, director

South Carolina State Library

Columbia, South Carolina

Nicholas Noyes, library director

Stephanie Philibrick, researcher

Maine Historical Society

Portland, Maine

Gretchen Persohn, genealogist

State Library of Ohio

Columbus, Ohio

Theresa Pfueller, communications

American Friends Ser vice Committee

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

M.D. Pratt, reference librarian

Mary land State Library

Baltimore, Mary land

Ronnie Pugh, reference librarian

Nashville Public Library

Nashville, Tennessee

Anne Reed, reference librarian

Public Library of Brookline

Brookline, Massachusetts

Honey Ryan, reference librarian

Live Oak Public Libraries

Savannah, Georgia

Ola Flucas, reference librarian

Sally Hawkes, coordinator

Arkansas State Library

Little Rock, Arkansas

Lorraine Forbes, reference librarian

Aberdeen Library

Aberdeen, Scotland

Debbie Griggs, reference librarian

New Lenox Library

New Lenox, Illinois

Leanne Hayden

Berkshire Historical Society

Pittsﬁ eld, Massachusetts

Harold A. Hayes, deputy director

Walla Walla County Rural Library

Walla Walla, Washington

Joseph Parks Hester, phi los o pher and author

Claremont, North Carolina

Anne M. Isbell, director

Lake Blackshear Regional Library System

Americus, Georgia

Ken Jacobsen, director

Pendle Hill Center

Wallingford, Pennsylvania

Leelynn Johnson, reference librarian

Library of Michigan

Lansing, Michigan

Frankie King, reference librarian

Tennessee State Library

Nashville, Tennessee

Hilda Lindner Knepp, reference librarian

Clermont County Library

Batavia, Ohio

Jeff Korman, manager

Lee Lears, librarian

Enoch Pratt Free Library

Baltimore, Mary land

Polly Lacey, head of reference

Morristown Public Library

Morristown, New Jersey

Molly Lank- Jones, director

Hayward Library

Hayward, Wisconsin

Ac know ledg ments xv

Susie Stepanek, reference librarian

Pikes Peak Library

Colorado Springs, Colorado

Sara Tokheim, executive director

Ea gle Grove Area Chamber of Commerce

Ea gle Grove, Iowa

Jeannette Voiland, reference librarian

Seattle Public Library

Seattle, Washington

Irene Wainwright, archivist

Louisiana Division, City Archives

New Orleans Public Library

New Orleans, Louisiana

Susan Williams, virtual reference librarian

Las Vegas– Clark County Library

Las Vegas, Nevada

Faith Yoman, reference librarian

New Mexico State Library

Santa Fe, New Mexico

Josh Schlipp, support ser vices

Greenpeace

Washington, DC

Barbara Scull, librarian

Middletown Public Library

Middletown, Pennsylvania

Avany Severyn, reference librarian

South Dakota State Library

Pierre, South Dakota

Ellen M. Shea, reference librarian

Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College

Cambridge, Massachusetts

Joseph Sheppard, archivist

New Hanover Public Library

Wilmington, North Carolina

Mary Sizemore, director

Patrick Beaver Library

Hickory, North Carolina

Lynn Snodgrass- Pilla, director

Memorial Library of Nazareth

Nazareth, Pennsylvania

For materials loaned, I am grateful to the reference departments at these institutions:

Gaston- Lincoln Library, Gastonia, North Carolina

Greensboro Public Library, Greensboro,

North Carolina

Guilford College, Greensboro, North Carolina

Hunter Library, Western Carolina University,

Cullowhee, North Carolina

James Addison Jones Library, Brevard College,

Brevard, North Carolina

John Marshall Law School Library, Atlanta,

Georgia

North Carolina State University Library,

Raleigh, North Carolina

University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill

William Madison Randall Library, University

of North Carolina–Wilmington

Special thanks go to A-1 reference librarian Wanda Rozzelle at the Catawba County Library in Newton,

North Carolina; to my publicist and business adviser, Joan Lail; and to Eileen Lawrence, who offered ac-

cess to the superb primary resource collections of Alexander Street Press.

This page intentionally left blank

xvii

The history of American civil disobedience is a

chronicle of demands for freedom. From the

ﬁ fteenth- century arrival of Eu ro pe ans on New

World shores to the end of colonialism, newcom-

ers imported the disgruntlements, prejudices,

beliefs, and yearnings that inspired the U.S.

Constitution and the Bill of Rights. With gradual

reﬁ nement, demo cratic principles began their

expansion from a crude beginning favoring

white, propertied males to an inclusion and plu-

ralism more in keeping with promised liberties

to disenfranchised women, children, nonwhites,

laborers, religious minorities, and non- En glish-

speaking immigrants.

While shaping the patriots’ concepts of civil

rights in the 1760s and 1770s, the Sons and

Daughters of Liberty, the Regulators of North

and South Carolina, and the Liberty Men of

Maine helped shove colonial oppressors out of

power and broke ties with the British Crown

that bound patriots to Eu rope and its short-

sighted view of human equality. In the press for

individual rights, Quakers, Shakers, and Men-

nonites promoted abolitionism and the Under-

ground Railroad and pursued paciﬁ st beliefs by

refusing to march with militias or to render pay-

ment to a standing army. Baptists and Jehovah’s

Witnesses made their own inroads into Puritan

theocracy by agitating for freedom of conscience,

worship, speech, and assembly. On the perime-

ter of formal civil disobedience, women made

their ﬁ rst strivings to shake off centuries of pa-

triarchy by promoting boycotts of British goods,

demanding pantry supplies from war time proﬁ -

teers, and challenging on a public dais the sexual

bondage of female slaves.

From the 1770s on, the tussle over the inter-

pretation and enjoyment of rights precipitated

the worst and best of episodes contributing to

the American character, from miners’ strikes in

West Virginia, the trial of the Chicago Seven, the

formation of the Sanctuary Movement, and the

marches of the Bonus Army and of Coxey’s Army

to Washington, DC, to the Cleburne County

Draft War, ﬁ sh- ins on the Columbia River, de-

mands for more affordable AIDS medication,

and the American Indian Movement’s occupa-

tion of Alcatraz and Mount Rushmore. Like a

well- rooted vine, the tendrils of civil disobedi-

ence spread over the de cades, inspiring margin-

alized groups to adapt liberating strategies to

their own time, place, and situation.

Entries in this encyclopedia illustrate the im-

pact of each civil offense on issues of oppression.

In the seventeenth century, deﬁ ance of the law

pitted individuals such as Mary Dyer, Anne

Hutchinson, and Thomas Maule against the en-

trenched Puritan majority. Civil disobedience to

state religion and to obligatory drilling with

standing militias aroused the ire of Baptists, Quak-

ers, and Rogerenes. By the end of the century

and into the 1700s, moral battles expanded to

the Quaker campaign against the ﬂ esh trade and

slave- made goods, a crusade headed by eccentric

Benjamin Lay and phi los o pher John Woolman.

By mid- century, Quakers enlarged their moral

presence by mounting re sis tance to military

taxes and strictures on worship style, while Sons

of Liberty from New En gland to Georgia took

issue with King George III of En gland on mat-

ters of taxation, allegiance, and sovereignty. In

the waning years of the eigh teenth century, peo-

ple of conscience committed themselves to ille-

gal classroom instruction for black students and

to the ousting of colonial tax collectors from

North American shores.

Before the dawn of the nineteenth century,

mapping of the Underground Railroad had

taken an informal shape, with routes and desti-

nations growing with the nation until the issu-

ance of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863.

President Abraham Lincoln’s humanity ended a

bloody confrontation over which citizens could

buy and sell human laborers. More dissidents

stood out as heroes of civil disobedience, includ-

ing publisher William Lloyd Garrison, ship cap-

tain Daniel Drayton, runaways Margaret Garner

and Harriet Tubman, phi los o pher Henry David

Introduction

xviii Introduction

nationwide debate. Alongside adult acts of deﬁ -

ance rose young naysayers refusing to salute the

ﬂ ag. By mid- century, the focus of civil disobedi-

ence shifted to Japa nese Americans who refused

to be interned like criminals and to blacks who

demanded unrestricted public ser vice in restau-

rants and on buses and trains.

The end of the Paciﬁ c War and the explosion

of atomic bombs over Hiroshima and Nagasaki,

Japan, altered forever the import of the term

“world conﬂ ict.” A new generation of demonstra-

tors began to view the planet and its living inhab-

itants as equally threatened by nuclear cataclysm.

Parallel to the call for nuclear containment, the

formation of the civil rights movement and the re-

jection of the House Committee on Un- American

Activities’ libeling of immigrants, liberals, and ho-

mosexuals as “Reds” spurred deﬁ ance of court-

room intimidation by a handful of heroes known

as Freedom Riders and the Hollywood Ten. The

energy of mobilized citizen bands spilled over into

the women’s movement and to the issues of gay

rights, animal rights, and the First Amendment,

particularly censorship, capricious jailing, and

draft card burning. Anger at the U.S. government

for promoting the divisive Vietnam War enlivened

Hawaiian and Puerto Rican dissidents to reclaim

from the military the islands of Kaho‘Olawe and

Vieques, two targets of aerial bombing and prac-

tice invasions. Leading protests, people the stature

of the Berrigan brothers, César Chávez, William

Sloane Cofﬁ n, Jr., Jane Fonda, Allen Ginsberg, and

Martin Sheen demanded government account-

ability for ignoring or inhibiting growing factions.

Additional targets of citizen outrage—abortion

(pro and con), AIDS, clear- cutting of old- growth

forests, the death penalty, the ROTC, and the

School of the Americas—broadened participation

in moral issues. The strategies of marches, sit- down

strikes, lunch counter sit- ins, voter registration

drives, and bus boycotts were reconﬁ gured to ﬁ t

the demands of Earth First!, Greenpeace, Minute-

men, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals,

the Sanctuary Movement, Cindy Sheehan, and

deﬁ ers of the Iraq War and the offshore imprison-

ment of post- 9/11 suspects at the military prison in

Guantánamo, Cuba.

The history of citizen unrest discloses psy-

chological truths about a nation. Like other hu-

man behaviors, civil disobedience is an acquired

skill that continues to emulate models from the

Thoreau, and slave transporters Calvin Fairbank

and Delia Ann Webster. The opening of waysta-

tions for black refugees spread west from coastal

havens in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and Boston to

Mennonite and Quaker farms in Pennsylvania

and the Midwest to waystations in Ohio and

sod huts in Kansas Territory. In northeastern cit-

ies, while extralegal black militias formed their

own neighborhood police patrols to stem the

kidnapping of freedmen, women founded social

agencies to house, outﬁ t, nourish, and replenish

exhausted runaway slaves on their way over the

Great Lakes to Canada.

From the platform experiences of abolitionist

speakers Frederick Douglass, Abby Kelley Fos-

ter, Lucretia Mott, and Sojourner Truth grew a

compelling view of all women as disenfranchised

Americans who refused to settle for partial citi-

zenship. By the 1870s, woman suffrage and the

peace movement thrust Susan B. Anthony, Emma

Goldman, Mother Jones, and Alice Paul into the

headlines for their rejection of a male- dominated

world bent on conquest by suppression and

violence.

Civil disobedience shifted once more in the

twentieth century as laborers—male and female,

child and immigrant—rejected exploitation.

World War I veterans refused a pittance of com-

bat remuneration, and Native Americans chafed

at poverty on reservations and at restrictions on

the peyote cult. Phalanxes of temperance cam-

paigners led by Carry Nation marched on bawdy

red- light districts and smashed the beer kegs of

saloons. In less rambunctious deﬁ ance of male

agendas, Margaret Sanger opened a pioneering

birth control clinic in Brooklyn, New York, and

began collecting the ﬁ rst data on pregnancies,

stillbirths, abortions, menarche, home- style birth

control, midwifery, and numbers and ages of sex

partners.

Tests of citizens’ patience during two world

wars galvanized more deﬁ ers of violence and

the military draft. Men risked forced enlistment,

imprisonment, and persecution by refusing to

wear uniforms, carry riﬂ es, or perform alternate

ser vice. Paciﬁ sts ineligible for the draft raised

their own objections to world war by withhold-

ing taxes to support the military. The media ad-

vanced individual acts of conscience by Dorothy

Day, Kate Richards O’Hare, Adam Clayton Pow-

ell, Jr., and A. Philip Randolph into subjects of

Introduction xix

past; in the case of the United States, those para-

digms lie in the perpetrators of the Boston Tea

Party and the looters and burners of the royal

brig Gaspee. New ranks of dissenters amend the

gaps in liberty that fail to welcome the right of

choice in women’s reproduction, control of con-

ﬂ ict and terrorizing weapons, gay rights, protec-

tion of the environment and of animal rights,

worker safeguards, and the needs of displaced

Indians and aliens seeking a share of American

opportunity. The future of productive protest

knows no limit so long as people envision a more

inclusive world and risk pain and loss to follow

their conscience.

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A–Z Entries

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the newcomers arrived with a devotion to liberty

based on religious principles. Among immigrants

and the settled, Congregationalists, Unitarians,

Quakers, Mennonites, Presbyterians, Methodist

Episcopalians, Shakers, and Evangelicals agitated

for redress of a national shame, searching scripture

for corroboration. Protesters condemned proﬁ teer-

ing from bondage, slave propagation, and the mer-

chandising of slave-made, slave- harvested goods,

particularly cane sugar, cotton, indigo, molasses,

pharmaceuticals, rice, rum, tea, and tobacco. The

most radical denouncers of slavery called for sabo-

tage, law breaking, riot, murder, and anarchy. By

1804, all states north of Mary land had abolished

human bondage, but the solid South held ﬁ rm by

demanding states’ rights to determine who de-

served freedom.

Abolitionism and Conflict

As the nation expanded, factions came to blows

over the future of slavery in the West. Propos-

ing to admit new states in pairs, one slave and

one free, the Missouri Compromise of 1820

protected the voting balance in Congress. Af-

ter fugitive slave Nat Turner’s collaborators

killed 60 whites in August 1831 in Southamp-

ton, Virginia, Southerners feared a race war

and initiated a vigilante system. They sched-

uled patrols, enacted restrictive Black Codes,

and coordinated spy networks to identify and

punish slave harboring in the New En gland,

Middle Atlantic, and Midwestern states. In re-

sponse, in 1831, an articulate, impassioned

journalist, William Lloyd Garrison, began pub-

lishing a weekly abolitionist paper called The

Liberator. In his ﬁ rst editorial on January 1, he

proclaimed, “I do not wish to think, or to speak,

or write, with moderation.” Subsequent issues

featured the libertarian screeds of Lucretia

Cofﬁ n Mott, a petite Underground Railroad

agent; orator Wendell Addison Phillips; and

New York City philanthropist Gerrit Smith.

Garrison prodded Northern industrialists into

the fray by co- founding the New En gland

Anti- Slavery Society, which denounced the use

abolitionism

The militant era preceding the American Civil

War mustered refugee harborers, couriers and

spies, depot masters, outriders, and conductors

in the Underground Railroad, a secret network

to help escaped slaves ﬁ nd shelter and safety in

the northern free states and Canada. It was

America’s ﬁ rst civil rights movement. In oppo-

sition stood the 11 states of the plantation

South—Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana,

Mary land, Mississippi, North Carolina, South

Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. To the

disgust of humanitarians, enslavers depended

on house domestics, transporters, skilled work-

ers, breeders, and cheap stoop labor for cultivat-

ing and harvesting corn, cotton, indigo, rice,

sugarcane, and tobacco. Abetting the ﬂ esh trade,

kidnappers, slave shippers, auctioneers, and

overseers maintained a ﬂ ow of humanity to sat-

isfy American luxury and greed.

During America’s age of black martyrdom,

the radical arm of the antislavery drive arose

in the last de cades of the 1700s, simultaneously

with abolitionism in Western Eu rope and the

American colonies. Similar in virulence and

moral outrage to the Sons of Liberty, a secret

or ga ni za tion that opposed the Stamp Act dur-

ing the colonial period, militant abolitionists

engineered strategies to destabilize slavery

and free African Americans. At the height of

the transatlantic slave trade, dissenters bat-

tered church congregations, social agencies,

and government officials demanding the out-

right liberation of slaves or their incremental

freeing, beginning with a halt of slave abduc-

tion and importation. In New En gland and the

Middle Atlantic states, civil disobedience of

the Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 prompted the

initial retrieval and transport of slaves to safe

zones in the Maritime Provinces, Ontario and

Quebec, the Ca rib be an, the Western frontier,

and Mexico.

The avenues to consensus united an odd as-

sortment of champions of liberty, including a num-

ber of Canadian Eu ro pe an immigrants. Some of

4 abolitionism

The image of a supplicant slave became an icon of the abolitionist movement in Great Britain and the

United States. A woodcut appears on this 1837 broadside above John Greenleaf Whittier’s appeal to

conscience in the poem “Our Countrymen in Chains.” (Library of Congress)

abolitionism 5

George Bourne’s Picture of Slavery in the United

States (1834).

Differing ideologies split the abolitionist

force into two camps. In 1840, Garrison pressed

the peaceable wing of abolitionism, led by orator

Frederick Douglass. To spare slaves from total

self- reliance in a hostile world, Douglass coun-

seled gradual dissolution of the slave culture. In

the opposing camp, Garrison promoted an im-

mediate and unﬂ inching deﬁ ance of the U.S.

Constitution over issues of civil liberty and due

pro cess of law for all residents, free and slave. He

was willing to risk an economic collapse and

streams of slaves wandering the land to assure

all Americans their civil liberties.

Escalating Defiance

Hostilities over lawbreaking drove Garrisonian

dissidents to extremism. At the core of their angst

lay the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, which required

the return of escaped slaves from free states. Be-

cause the shift in legalities condoned slave seizure

without identiﬁ cation of victims and allowed the

transport and sale of blacks without proof of own-

ership, opportunists encouraged the kidnapping

and enslavement of free blacks. Hinton Rowan

Helper, a radical agitator in New York City, pro-

posed a tax on slaves, the ejection of slave own ers

from churches, and a boycott of slave- owning

merchants. When Helperism spread to Floyd

County, Indiana, a disciple named Sanders urged

slaves to murder their own ers, burn buildings,

and escape to free territory.

of raw materials imported from the plantations

of the South.

Northern abolitionist ministers, editors, ora-

tors, and agitators were worthy adversaries of

the pro- slavery South. On December 6, 1833,

Garrison established the American Anti- Slavery

Society, a co ali tion of prominent, multitalented

abolitionists (see table).

Simultaneously, Margaretta Forten and

Quaker feminist Lucretia Cofﬁ n Mott established

the Philadelphia Female Anti- Slavery Society, a

vocal denunciation of domestic bondage and

concubinage of black females to white own ers.

For three de cades, these two organizations di-

rected energies toward assisting black runaways.

Abolitionists in Action

American abolitionism ranged from public op-

position and acts of conscience to felonies. From

the abolitionist press came a steady support of

altruism on behalf of runaway blacks. Beginning

in the 1820s, Hester Lane, an interior decorator

in New York City, spent her earnings on rescu-

ing fugitives and on traveling to the Mary land

slave markets, where she bought young, el der ly,

and frail blacks from bondage. A college student,

Amos Dresser, was expelled from Lane Semi-

nary in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1834 along with

other vocal antislave forces. On July 18, 1835, a

pro- slavery faction in Nashville, Tennessee,

cowhided him for carry ing two abolitionist

publications—a copy of the Anti- Slavery Record

(the American Anti- Slavery Society journal) and

Founding Members of the American Anti- Slavery Society

Name Occupation Origin Age

Abigail “Abby” Kelley Foster orator Worcester, MA 22

Bartholomew Fussell physician Kennett Square, PA 39

Beriah Green secret network or ga niz er Whitesboro, NY 38

Samuel Joseph May recruiter Syracuse, NY 36

James Mott, Jr. transporter Oyster Bay, NY 45

Robert Purvis ﬁ eld manager Philadelphia 23

John Rankin waystation coordinator Ripley, OH 40

Arthur Tappan philanthropist New York City 47

Lewis Tappan philanthropist New York City 45

John Greenleaf Whittier poet and essayist New York City 25

6 abortion

women had previously arranged with midwives

or abortion providers. The 1975 ﬁ lm Hester Street

dramatizes the quandary of women in a patriar-

chal society by depicting the suppression of a

Jewish immigrant wife and mother from Poland

after her arrival in the Lower East Side slums of

New York City.

Twentieth Centur y

In the United States in the late 1960s, pro- choice

and pro- life dissidents took action on ideologies

concerning the morality of terminating preg-

nancy at various stages of gestation and the

ethics of providing unimpeded birth control

counseling, classroom education on sexuality

and procreation, contraceptives to minors, and

abortion on demand. In 1969, Planned Parent-

hood of America established the National Abor-

tion Rights Action League (NARAL), a po liti cal

pressure group advocating the decriminaliza-

tion of abortion and supporting women’s right

to conﬁ dential medical ser vice involving con-

ception, pregnancy, and childbirth. Simultane-

ously, Laura Kaplan and other Chicago feminists

launched Jane, an underground abortion ser vice

that provided abortions or referred patients to

doctors willing to perform the illegal operation.

Testing the sincerity of feminist demand for

liberty proved risky. In April 1970, Dr. Jane Eliza-

beth Hodgson, an obstetrician in St. Paul, Min-

nesota, aborted the fetus of a 23- year- old woman

suffering from rubella, a disease that threatens

the developing child with deafness and mental

retardation. The action occurred at the end of the

ﬁ rst trimester, when a federal judge stalled a judg-

ment on the patient’s case. In addition to losing

her medical license, Hodgson became the ﬁ rst

Farther west, Jayhawkers incited bloody

face- offs against pro- slavery patrols along the

Kansas- Missouri border. Insurrectionist John

Brown collected a small army of deﬁ ers of the

federal government and plotted a raid on the

federal armory at Harpers Ferry, Virginia,

which began and failed on October 16, 1859.

The hanging of Brown and his confederates

precipitated a lethal confrontation between lib-

ertarians and Southern factions led by U.S. sen-

ators Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. The

outbreak of civil war on April 9, 1861, preceded

the collapse of the American slave system. On

January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln be-

gan the dismantling pro cess with the issuance

of the Emancipation Proclamation. By 1865,

passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the

U.S. Constitution mooted the abolitionist con-

ﬂ ict by outlawing slavery.

See also: black militias; Booth War; Brown, John; Christiana

Riot; Cofﬁ n, Levi; Doy, John W.; Drayton, Daniel; Fair-

bank, Calvin, and Delia Ann Webster; Fugitive Slave Law

of 1850; Garner, Margaret; Garrison, William Lloyd; Jay-

hawkers; Jerry Rescue; Lay, Benjamin; Minkins, Fredric

“Shadrach”; Oberlin- Wellington Rescue; Quakers; Sims,

Thomas M.; Thoreau, Henry David; Tubman, Harriet; Un-

derground Railroad.

Further Reading

Lowance, Mason. Against Slavery: An Abolitionist Reader.

New York: Penguin, 2000.

Miles, Johnnie, Juanita J. Davis, Sharon F. Ferguson- Roberts,

and Rita G. Giles. Almanac of African American Heritage.

Indianapolis, IN: Jossey- Bass, 2001.

Newman, Richard S. The Transformation of American Aboli-

tionism: Fighting Slavery in the Early Republic. Chapel

Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002.

abortion

Civil disobedience of laws allowing women to

choose abortion to end pregnancies involves

lawbreakers worldwide in the struggle to control

the female body and its ability to bear offspring.

In New York City, concern over the postpartum

death from peritonitis of 20- year- old Susannah

Lattin of Farmingdale, Long Island, on August 5,

1868, resulted in a police investigation of Dr.

Henry D. Grindle. He charged $150 per abortion

at a time when the fee for a surgery or normal

labor and delivery was under $50. City authori-

ties began regulating abortion clinics, lying- in

hospitals, and adoption agencies. The inﬂ ux of

investigators restricted a private matter that

As early as 1878, editor Ezra Hervey Heywood

and his wife, Angela Fiducia Tilton Heywood,

publishers of The Word, a liberal journal, stated

a woman’s right to claim her own sexuality:

“Whether a man by request gives woman the

seed of life, semen, or forces pregnancy, it is

unquestionably right, imperative duty, and an

unavoidable necessity for her to control what

thereafter inhabits her person. . . . We utterly deny

the assumed ‘right’ of men to dictate to women

what they shall do with the life- seed.”

abortion 7

mining patients’ health. Dr. Kenneth C. Edelin

of Washington, DC, the associate dean of Boston

University School of Medicine, came to national

prominence after performing an abortion on a 17-

year-old on October 2, 1973, at Boston General

Hospital. A prosecutor charged Edelin with suf-

focating the unborn fetus in the open womb.

Following Edelin’s trial in 1975 for manslaugh-

ter, NARAL opened its own headquarters in

Washington, DC, to lobby for passage of the

Freedom of Choice Act, a federal law assuring

women’s right to choose. Hodgson and other re-

productive rights activists opposed the Hyde

Amendment, which, in 1976, ended Medicaid

funding for abortions for poor women. NARAL

lobbyists castigated legislators for the death of

Rosie Jimenez of McAllen, Texas, who died on

October 3, 1977, of infection resulting from an

unsterile illegal abortion.

By the late 1980s, fanat i cism on the parts of

pro- choice and pro- life advocates dampened

feminist triumphs. Pro- life activism centered on

the leadership of evangelical minister Randall A.

U.S. physician convicted for medical civil disobe-

dience. The testing of anti- abortion laws proved

the extent of women’s disempowerment. In 1973,

Catholic protesters formed the National Right to

Life Committee, a nonviolent po liti cal action ef-

fort headquartered in Washington, DC, to lobby

elected ofﬁ cials to outlaw abortion for any reason.

The or ga ni za tion was founded in response to the

U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Roe v. Wade on Janu-

ary 22, 1973, which legalized abortion in all 50

states throughout the entire nine months of preg-

nancy. Hodgson was living in Washington, DC,

waiting to serve a month in jail, when the high

court decision mooted Minnesota’s stringent law.

Post-Roe Activism

“Roe” became a rallying cry for both sides. Hodg-

son dedicated herself to opening women’s health

clinics throughout Minnesota, to enabling un-

deraged women to receive abortion ser vices

without parental permission, and to improving

methods of ending pregnancies without under-

Anti- abortion activists protest the opening of a Planned Parenthood clinic in Aurora, Illinois, on October 1, 2007. Demonstra-

tors on both sides of the abortion issue have engaged in frequent acts of civil disobedience, sometimes entailing violence.

(Scott Olson/Getty Images)

8 abortion

skills at po liti cal protest she had been honing

since childhood, when she opposed the Vietnam

War. In 1991, police restrained Vaid and 16 oth-

ers for protesting a U.S. Supreme Court decision,

Webster v. Reproductive Health Ser vices (1989), an

attempt by the conservative right to pare down

legal abortion by allowing states to determine

the use of state funding, personnel, and facilities

for diagnosing and terminating pregnancies.

Vaid’s second arrest on June 30, 1992, on the side-

walk at the White House put her in company

with prominent feminist demonstrators: Aida

Bound of the Women’s International League for

Peace and Freedom; Patricia Ireland, president

of the National Or ga ni za tion for Women (NOW);

Kay Ostberg of the Human Rights Campaign

Fund; Jane Pennington of the Older Women’s

League; Ruby Sayes of Women of All Colors; and

Eleanor Smeal, past president of NOW.

Pro- choice forces took a new tack by accusing

pro- life groups of racketeering. In 1994, under

the Hobbs Act of 1951 and the Racketeer Inﬂ u-

enced and Corrupt Organizations Act of 1970,

attorney Fay Clayton and members of NOW un-

successfully charged Randall Terry and Joseph

Scheidler in a class action suit for extortion and

violence at clinics in Atlanta; Boston; Chicago;

Houston; Indianapolis; Los Angeles; Milwaukee;

New Orleans; New York City; Charlotte, North

Carolina; and Binghamton, New York. During

the administration of Bill Clinton (D-AR), the na-

tion’s ﬁ rst pro- choice president, reversals of poli-

cies implemented during the terms of Ronald

Reagan (R-CA) and George Bush (R-TX) resulted

in ﬁ nes and jailing of lawbreakers under the

Freedom to Access Clinic Entrances Act of 1994.

That same year, the Supreme Court upheld a

Florida decision in the case of Madsen v. Women’s

Health Center to establish a 15- foot (4.6- meter)

buffer zone around clinics. The law guaranteed

unobstructed entrance to patients and staff.

Extremism on Behalf of the Unborn

Pro- life radicals surpassed previous civil disobe-

dience by escalating violence toward health- care

providers. Underground strategists for the Army

of God and the Missionaries to the Preborn

stirred public demonstrations and murderous

rage against physicians in the United States and

Canada. Crimes that members exonerated as

Terry of Rochester, New York, for Operation Res-

cue and of Joseph M. Scheidler, a Benedictine

monk and found er of the Pro- Life Action League

in Chicago. Group strategies resulted in civil

clashes for blocking women’s clinics, disrupting

waiting rooms, and challenging and terrorizing

potential patients with Bible verses, hymn sing-

ing and prayers, placards and leaﬂ ets, and photos

of aborted fetuses. Arrests for misdemeanor tres-

pass, trafﬁ c obstruction, and disturbing the peace

burgeoned to the end of the de cade.

From Protest to Felony

The stalemate turned deadly in the mid- 1980s.

On Christmas Day 1984, four self- proclaimed

“bombers for Jesus”—Matthew Goldsby, James

Simmons, Kathren Simmons, and Kaye Wig-

gins—earned prison sentences for destroying

three women’s health clinics in Pensacola, Flor-

ida. Adding to the media attention was a fourth

clinic bombing on New Year’s Day 1985, in Wash-

ington, DC. Also in 1985, radical activist Joan

Andrews began a ﬁ ve- year sentence in solitary

conﬁ nement at a Broward County prison for re-

fusing to obey a court order to desist in ransack-

ing a Florida clinic, where she dismantled a

suction aspirator.

Heightening the controversy over abortion ser-

vices for teens, the most vulnerable clients of health

clinics, was the death of Rebecca Suzanne Bell, a

17- year- old from Indianapolis, Indiana, who suc-

cumbed to massive infection and pneumonia on

September 16, 1988, after obtaining an illegal abor-

tion the previous week in Kentucky. HBO- TV de-

picted the family crisis in the ﬁ lm Public Law 106:

The Becky Bell Story (1992). In 1992, famed Jesuit ac-

tivist Daniel Berrigan, a native of Virginia, Minne-

sota, added his notoriety and religious clout to the

pro- life movement. He was arrested along with

lesbian activist Donna Marie Kearney for blocking

the sidewalk at the Planned Parenthood headquar-

ters in Rochester, New York.

Feminists for Choice

Feminists put their most experienced demon-

strators on the front lines. Writer Urvashi Vaid of

New Delhi, India, director of the National Gay

and Lesbian Task Force and staff attorney for the

American Civil Liberties Union, contributed

ACT- UP 9

dynamite blast at a clinic in Birmingham, Ala-

bama, that killed ofﬁ cer Robert Sanderson and

blinded nurse Emily Lyons. Rudolph remained at

large until 2003 and began serving four consecu-

tive life terms in 2005. A subsequent death, sniper

James Kopp’s murder of Dr. Barnett Slepian at

home in Amherst, New York, on October 23,

1998, resulted in a maximum sentence of 25 years

to life in prison for Kopp.

Fourth De cade of Protest

The bitter battle continued into the twenty- ﬁ rst

century. On July 19, 2001, Wichita, Kansas, police

charged two pro- choice protesters, Joshua Klein

of Columbus, Ohio, and Karen Rose of Chicago,

with battery for jostling two anti- abortion dem-

onstrators at a clinic gate. The focus of the fracas

was an annual pro- life demonstration by Opera-

tion Save America, directed by the Reverend

Philip “Flip” L. Benham of Syracuse, New York.

To stave off violence, U.S. marshals escorted Dr.

George R. Tiller unhindered to a building that

had been the target of entrance blocking, arson,

acid throwing, and bombing. On July 21, police

arrested pro- life protesters the Reverend Kevin

Stanﬁ eld and the Reverend Daniel Thompson of

El Dorado, Kansas, for blocking the street in

front of Tiller’s clinic. Operation Rescue West,

led by Troy Newman, continued its protest of

the clinic’s medical outreach in February 2007 by

agitating for Tiller’s arrest for performing late-

term abortions.

See also: birth control; Vaughan, Hester.

Further Reading

Almond, Lucinda, ed. The Abortion Controversy. Farming-

ton Hill, MI: Greenhaven, 2007.

Beisel, Nicola Kay. Imperiled Innocents: Anthony Comstock

and Family Reproduction. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni-

versity Press, 1998.

Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith: A Frontline History of the

Abortion Wars. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998.

Marcovitz, Hal. Abortion. Broomall, PA: Mason Cress,

2007.

Powers, Meghan. The Abortion Rights Movement. Farming-

ton Hill, MI: Greenhaven, 2005.

ACT- UP

A militant movement favoring aggressive re-

sponse to the acquired immune deﬁ ciency syn-

drome (AIDS) crisis, the AIDS Co ali tion to

“interventions” ranged from bomb threats, tres-

pass, stalking, vandalism, libeling health workers,

hurling butyric acid, and ﬁ ring guns into occupied

buildings to a Hillcrest, Virginia, clinic ﬁ re set by

Joseph Grace on May 26, 1983, and Michael D.

Bray’s pipe bomb conspiracy in Baltimore on July

2, 1985, on behalf of the Army of God. By 1989,

Operation Rescue protesters had incurred 9,500

arrests, a record of civil disobedience that they

advertised as evidence of victory. Rescue America,

which Don Treshman founded in 1990 in Hous-

ton, Texas, openly demanded the murder of abor-

tion providers. On March 10, 1993, the nation

suffered the ﬁ rst anti- choice murder. After militant

Rescue America member Michael Allan Griffen shot

Dr. David Gunn to death in Pensacola, Florida, the

gunman entered prison for life. As a precaution

against other front- door shootings, U.S. marshals

began bundling physicians into bulletproof vests

and escorting them to their ofﬁ ces at clinics.

Beefed- up security by high- proﬁ le marshals

did not stop Winston McCoy’s murder of Dr.

George Wayne Patterson in Mobile, Alabama, on

August 21, 1993; the Reverend Paul Hill’s shot-

gun slaying of security guard James H. Barrett

and Dr. John Bayard Britton on June 29, 1994, in

Pensacola; or John C. Salvi’s shooting of recep-

tionists Shannon Lowney and Leanne Nichols

on December 30, 1994, at a clinic in Brookline,

Massachusetts. In 1995, Don Treshman relocated

his pro- life group to Baltimore in the wake of a

ﬁ ne of $1 million that a federal court ordered him

to pay to Planned Parenthood. After more than

200 arrests, he stepped up his activism by direct-

ing Human Life International, a Catholic pro- life

or ga ni za tion based in Front Royal, Virginia, and

by supporting the American Co ali tion of Life Ad-

vocates, a consortium that reviles abortion pro-

viders by featuring them on wanted posters.

Public sympathies for pro- life advocacy

turned to outrage as mercenary stalkings and

killings resulted in random mayhem at women’s

health facilities. An international incident sparked

by Eric Robert Rudolph resulted in the bombing

death on July 27, 1996, of Alice Hawthorne and

the wounding of 111 other attendees of the Olym-

pic Games in Atlanta. His convoluted thinking

linked abortions to homosexuals, whom he tar-

geted on February 21, 1997, with the bombing of

the Otherside Lounge. Rudolph’s broad- based

vendetta continued on January 29, 1998, with a

10 ACT- UP

and panache to ACT- UP posters, banners, and

stickers disseminating pithy comments about the

insidious nature of HIV and its toll.

Two weeks later, bond trader Peter Staley, a

victim of AIDS, dispatched activists to the New

York Stock Exchange on Wall Street with instruc-

tions to handcuff themselves at ﬂ oor level. The

purpose was a challenge to double- blind placebo

tests that slowed authorization of new drugs.

ACT- UP disparaged the $10,000 annual per pa-

tient cost of AZT, an antiviral drug patented

and marketed by Burroughs Welcome. The dem-

onstration involved a sit- in and the hanging in

efﬁ gy of Frank Edward Young, commissioner of

the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. The

disruption of stock sales followed Kramer’s edi-

torial in The New York Times the previous day de-

lineating the ﬁ nancial quandary of ﬁ ghting

AIDS. ACT- UP pressed on through the spring

with additional demonstrations. On April 15,

1987, at the New York City post ofﬁ ce, 263 in for-

mants presented their case on behalf of AIDS

patients to patrons filing tax returns by wav-

ing anti- Reagan posters and by declaring the

ACT- UP slogan: Silence = Death. Police were re-

luctant to manhandle dissidents already deci-

mated by AIDS. Unsubstantiated rumors claimed

that the sick intended to bite ofﬁ cers to infect

them with the virus.

Mounting Activism

ACT- UP quickly expanded to 5,000 members

and developed a reputation for theatrics. In Jan-

uary 1988, 300 female members led by writer-

scenarist Maria Maggenti, a lesbian activist, and

ACT- UP cofound er Marion D. Banzhaf chal-

lenged an article in Cosmopolitan magazine, “Re-

assuring News about AIDS: A Doctor Tells Why

You May Not Be at Risk,” by Robert E. Gould, a

psychiatrist on New York City’s Upper East Side.

The text declared unlikely the transmission of

HIV through unprotected male- female vaginal

coitus. By disrupting the magazine ofﬁ ce in the

Hearst Building on a freezing day for three and

a half hours and by ﬁ lming their civil disobedi-

ence as the documentary Doctors, Liars, and

Women: AIDS Activists Say No to Cosmo (1988),

ACT- UP capitalized on media attention. Orga-

nizers mailed condoms to magazine editor Helen

Gurley Brown; picketers distributed leaﬂ ets pro-

Unleash Power (ACT- UP) bases its civil disobedi-

ence on grass- roots demo cratic action for social

justice. Formed in New York City on March 10,

1987, the effort focused on the nation’s largest city,

which reported one- quarter of the AIDS cases in

the United States. Or ga ni za tion began at the Les-

bian and Gay Community Ser vices Center with a

speech by Yale- trained playwright and gay rights

advocate Larry Kramer of Bridgeport, Connecti-

cut. Demeaning the fruitless efforts of the Gay

Men’s Health Crisis, Kramer directed 300 follow-

ers, many infected with HIV/AIDS, to po liti cal ac-

tion and to training in the methods and effects of

civil disobedience. CBS News producer Ann

Northrop, art director Ken Woodard, ﬁ lmmaker

Gregg Bordowitz, and designer Mark Sikorowski

contributed their expertise. They added punch

Two uniformed police arrest a member of ACT- UP in front of

the U.S. Capitol during the 2004 march in Washington, DC, to

protest inadequate federal programs to combat HIV/AIDS.

Authorities detained dozens of members for their coordinated

act of civil disobedience. (Tim Sloan/AFP/Getty Images)

ACT- UP 11

ton State conservatives in December 1991 by dis-

seminating safe- sex packets containing a graphic

illustration of fellatio.

That same year, 4,500 ACT- UP members

protested at St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York

City to publicize the conservative response of

John Cardinal O’Connor on sex education, con-

traception, homosexuality, abortion, and AIDS.

Police arrested 111 participants, who trespassed

and disrupted Mass by tossing condoms on the

altar, reclining in the aisles, chaining themselves

to pews, and chanting slogans. Mayor Edward I.

Koch chastised the group for disrespect of reli-

gious ser vices and for potential anarchy. In

1997, ACT- UP reprised the success of their dis-

ruption of Wall Street. On the tenth anniversary

of the event, 250 members led by ACT- UP

cofound er Eric Sawyer proceeded to the New

York Stock Exchange, demanding the intensiﬁ -

cation of AIDS research, improved health care

for patients, and a halt to price gouging on AIDS

drugs. Police arrested 72 participants for trafﬁ c

tie- ups, disorderly conduct, assault, and resist-

ing arrest.

Twenty- First Century

A direct denunciation of President George W.

Bush began on August 26, 2004, when ACT- UP

members from the New York and Philadelphia

chapters choreographed a street striptease to re-

veal the “naked” truth about government apathy

toward HIV/AIDS. Strategist Eustacia Smith

chose West 33rd Street opposite Madison Square

Garden, a site that, within several days, would

host the Republican National Convention. Sten-

ciled in black on protesters’ torsos were the

words “Stop AIDS.” Activist educator Amanda

Lugg explained the purpose of public nudity—a

reference to the morally bankrupt ruler who pa-

raded without clothes in the folk tale “The Em-

peror’s New Clothes.”

T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n f o l l o w e d o n S e p t e m b e r 1

with an invasion of Madison Square Garden.

By interrupting White House Chief of Staff

Andrew Card’s speech to the Republican Na-

tional Convention, 18 protesters risked arrest

for trespass and disorderly conduct. ACT- UP

strategists blew whistles, chanted, and waved

placards to warn the audience and tele vi sion

viewers that government spending on the Iraq

claiming “Don’t Go to Bed with Cosmo.” In the

March 1988 edition of Cosmopolitan, editors re-

tracted statements assuring heterosexual women

of their low risk of infection and advocated the

use of condoms for safe sex.

ACT- UP strategy continued to make the most

of time, location, and deepening public concern

about the virus. On November 11, 1988, ACT- UP

assembled 1,000 protesters at the FDA building

in Rockville, Mary land, effectively suspending

operations for a day. On March 29, 1989, police

arrested 211 of the 3,000 activists who encircled

New York’s City Hall Park and blocked Broad-

way and the Brooklyn Bridge for three hours

during the morning commute. Chanters and

banner carriers demanded more government

funding for AIDS research, more medication for

the poor and unemployed, and more hospital

space and health ser vices for homeless AIDS

victims.

More Attention- Getting

In the 1990s, ACT- UP continued hammering

the public with its urgent message. Planners

placed demonstrators at the National Institutes

of Health on May 21, 1990, where dissenters

forced director William Paul to admit the agen-

cy’s failure at AIDS research. On January 22,

1991, ACT- UP’s Day of Desperation, strategists

sent writer John Weir and two assistants on a

“Dan Rather raid.” The trio disrupted broadcasts

of the CBS Eve ning News at a midtown Manhat-

tan studio with cries of “Fight AIDS, not Arabs.”

Simultaneously, Jon Greenberg chained himself

to anchor Robert MacNeil’s desk during a broad-

cast of the MacNeil/Lehrer Newshour on PBS to

protest inaction on a disease that would kill

Greenberg two and a half years later.

Without let up, on January 23, 1991, the hoist-

ing of a banner in New York’s Grand Central

Station attempted to divert attention and fund-

ing from Operation Desert Storm to the AIDS

epidemic with the reminder, “One AIDS Death

Every 8 Minutes.” To shut down commuter ser-

vices, participants covered the schedule board,

ticket booths, and information center; released

balloons; and taped the gateways shut. Courting

a mass arrest, protesters tied up trafﬁ c and over-

ran the city’s judicial system. On the West Coast,

the Seattle ACT- UP chapter outraged Washing-

12 Alianza Movement

who enjoyed the security of a second term. Three

months after the Alianza pilgrimage, Hispanic

lawbreakers moved north and seized Echo Am-

phitheater Park in the Kit Carson National Forest

from U.S. rangers. Squatting on public land, they

claimed the camp as their own and named it the

Republic of San Joaquín del Río Chama. They

held a citizens’ tribunal, tried and convicted the

two rangers, suspended their sentences, and set

them free. For the occupation, Tijerina, his brother

Cristóbal, and four cohorts went to jail for un-

lawful trespass on federal property.

During the administration of New Mexico

Governor David Francis Cargo, in May 1967, Ti-

jerina and the militant aliancistas plotted a

second assault on Echo Amphitheater. District

Attorney Alfonso Sánchez of Río Arriba County

produced arrest warrants for the dissidents, dis-

persed their assemblage, and blocked the street

into Coyote, New Mexico. On June 5, Tijerina led

an assault on the Tierra Amarilla court house.

While making a citizen’s arrest of Sánchez for

violating the constitutional right to peaceful as-

sembly, Tijerina shot Deputy Daniel Rivera and

prison guard Eulogio Salazar. In search of Ti-

jerina and his holdouts, who hid in Canjilón,

state police and the National Guard combed the

area and ransacked the residences of aliancistas.

In custody a second time, Tijerina fought charges

of armed assault, kidnapping, and jailbreak.

Judge Garnett Burkes sentenced Tijerina to two

years in a federal prison in La Tuna, Texas, for

attacking forest rangers.

Under constant FBI surveillance, Tijerina re-

turned to control of La Alianza in March 1968.

On March 28, he joined Martin Luther King,

Jr.’s Poor People’s March on Washington for Jobs

and Freedom. At the U.S. Supreme Court build-

ing, on May 29, Tijerina led a protest of the jail-

ing of activist Dick Gregory. La Alianza tried a

third time to erect a tent commune in New Mex-

ico. On June 6, 1969, they assembled at Coyote,

where Tijerina’s wife, Patricia, burned a national

park sign. Rangers assaulted Reies Tijerina, scat-

tered his followers, and arrested him. He was

returned to La Tuna prison. New charges in June

1974 conﬁ ned him a third time at La Tuna. Upon

his release, he launched an extensive but in-

effec tive dialogue with Mexican ofﬁ cials in the

1980s to further U.S. recognition of land grant

claims.

War siphoned off health funding for AIDS re-

search, treatment, and epidemic control. Out-

side the venue, 5,000 protesters brandished pink

slips to imply the ﬁ ring of President Bush and

other in effec tive elected ofﬁ cials. Spokesperson

Kris Hermes, one of the 11 arrested for assault

and rioting, earned media sympathy for the

drubbing that Secret Ser vice agents inﬂ icted on

dissidents.

See also: bootleg AIDS drugs; gay and lesbian rights.

Further Reading

Burns, Kate. Gay Rights Activists. Farmington Hills, MI: Lu-

cent, 2005.

Garden, Nancy. Hear Us Out! Lesbian and Gay Stories of

Struggle, Progress, and Hope, 1950 to the Present. New

York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007.

Shepard, Benjamin Heim, and Ronald Hayduk. From

ACT- UP to the WTO: Urban Protest and Community

Building in the Era of Globalization. New York: Verso,

2002.

Alianza Movement

The theft of Hispanic territory by the United

States following the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe

Hidalgo fostered enmity among the dispos-

sessed. Seeking redress in the next century, Reies

López Tijerina, an itinerant evangelist, initiated

La Alianza Federal de las Mercedes (the Federal Alli-

ance of Land Grants) to demand that the U.S.

government honor historic land claims and

deeds. Headquartered in Albuquerque, New

Mexico, on February 2, 1963, some 6,000 paisanos

(countrymen) from Chama, Ensenada, and Tierra

Amarilla sought civil rights for Mexican Ameri-

cans, water and grazing rights, and restitution of

property lost under the 1848 treaty to whites and

to the national parks system. Tijerina substanti-

ated Hispanic claims with data and documents

that he had gathered at the Archivo de Instrumen-

tos Publicos (General National Archive) in Guada-

lajara, Mexico. He broadcast his civil protest daily

during the ten- minute radio program Voice of

Justice over KABQ- FM.

Adored as the Latin Moses, Tijerina chose ne-

gotiation as the best method for gaining ofﬁ cial

and media sympathy for the cause of dispos-

sessed Mexican Americans. On July 4, 1966, a

pro cession of aliancistas to the capitol in Santa Fe

made no headway against the apathy of Gover-

nor Jack M. Campbell, an attorney and politician

American Indian Movement 13

Bridge. Over the main building, insurgents raised

their blue ﬂ ag depicting a red tepee and severed

peace pipe, a dual symbol of militancy and broken

trust in government promises.

Drama at Alcatraz

Participants in AIM’s Red Power movement—14

Indian college students led by Dennis Banks and

89 IAT backers—conducted a land- based crusade.

The or ga ni za tion combined the efforts of a vari-

ety of activists:

Name, Age, Occupation, Tribe, Origin

Wallace Mad Bear Anderson, 42, prophet-

medicine man, Tuscarora, Buﬀ alo, NY

Russell Charles Means, 30, activist, Oglala Lakota,

Pine Ridge, SD

Richard Oakes, 27, mechanic, Mohawk, St. Regis, NY

John Trudell, 23, poet- actor, Santee Sioux,

Omaha, NE

The insurgents claimed the abandoned prop-

erty under the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie, which

ceded to Indians all abandoned government lands.

As a symbol of bleak living conditions, the lack of

electricity, sanitary facilities, and running water

at Alcatraz dramatized to the media the daily pri-

vations of American reservation Indians.

Leaders issued the Alcatraz Proclamation, a

snide declaration of grievances to President

Richard M. Nixon, the “Great White Father.”

AIM jokesters offered the government a token

payment of $24 in beads and cloth, the price In-

dians received for Manhattan Island in 1626,

and proposed creating a museum of shameful

post- Columbian mistreatment. The declaration

Further Reading

De Leon, David. Leaders from the 1960s. Westport, CT:

Greenwood, 1994.

Gardner, Richard. Grito! Reis Tijerina and the New Mexico Land

Grant War of 1967. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs- Merrill, 1970.

American Indian Movement

The American Indian Movement (AIM), a pan-

tribal protest of reservation and urban Indian

squalor and of widespread police brutality against

minorities, grew out of unrest among Native

Americans in the Great Lakes and central and

western plains states. The movement got its start

in July 1968 in Minneapolis and spread to col-

lege campuses throughout California. The found-

ers of the warrior society included mostly Ojibwa

(also called Chippewa or Anishinabe) male and

female dissidents seeking a renewal of Indian

strengths and po liti cal clout.

AIM members renounced the tame actions of

“Uncle Tomahawks” and modeled their belliger-

ent strategies on the successes of the Black Pan-

thers in Oakland, California. The leaders sought

a self- cleansing of destructive lifestyles, a uniﬁ ca-

tion of all indigenous peoples, and a resurgence

of self- determination to combat government pa-

ternalism and discrimination.

AIM activists pursued methods of making

Indians more po liti cally visible. Abetted by AIM,

Indians of All Tribes (IAT), a loosely or ga nized

party of dissidents, seized the derelict federal

prison on Alcatraz Island, a 16- square- mile (41-

square- kilometer) landmark in San Francisco Bay.

Begun commando- style at 2 A.M. on November 14,

1969, the much- ballyhooed liberation furthered

the Indian agenda by drawing the attention of all

international ships as they passed the Golden Gate

Found ers of the American Indian Movement

Name Occupation Origin Tribe

Pat Ballanger elder Minnesota Ojibwa

Dennis James Banks activist Leech Lake, MN Ojibwa

Clyde Bellecourt activist White Earth, MN Ojibwa

Eddie Benton- Bonai educator Hayward, WI Ojibwa

George Mitchell activist Minnesota Ojibwa

Herb Powless activist Wisconsin Oneida

Mary Jane Wilson activist Minnesota Ojibwa

14 American Indian Movement

ment and despair. Wilma Mankiller, a Cherokee

chief from Tahlequah, Oklahoma, fostered the

18- month struggle in San Francisco Bay by off- site

fundraising to supply and defend demonstrators.

Quaker artist Marjorie Drath and rancher Phillip

Drath of Reedley, California, packed supplies on

a schooner and delivered them to AIM members

at the rocky outpost by breaching a Coast Guard

blockade. Grace Thorpe, a Fox- Sac activist and

World War II veteran of the Women’s Army Corps

(Wac) from Yale, Oklahoma, devoted her life sav-

ings to the effort. To upgrade ser vices to demon-

strators, she negotiated for an ambulance, an

electric generator, and potable water.

The presence of some 10,000 Indian visitors

and of movie stars Candace Bergen, Marlon

Brando, Jane Fonda, and Anthony Quinn in-

creased press surveillance of the standoff. To

chronicle the grueling protest, John Trudell oper-

ated Radio Free Alcatraz, which announced

losses and privations as well as the birth of his

and Lou Trudell’s son, a token of promise. The

Trudells named the baby Wovoka, after a Paiute-

Sioux medicine man and prophet who, in 1889,

predicted reclamation of native lands from

whites. Trudell’s broadcasts and news releases

spread the radical inﬂ uence to AIM cells in Chi-

cago, Cleveland, Denver, Los Angeles, Milwau-

kee, and San Francisco. Membership united the

Cherokee, Navajo, Oglala Sioux, Oneida, Ponca,

Santee, and Winnebago, who began offering sur-

vival training to reservation Indians. During ne-

gotiations, President Nixon made a token gesture

to AIM demands on July 8, 1970, by returning

the 48,000- acre (19,400- hectare) Blue Lake holy

ground to the Pueblo of Taos, New Mexico. On

June 11, 1971, federal marshals and special forces

raided Alcatraz Island and forcibly removed the

last 15 activists—six men, four women, and ﬁ ve

children. Both Dennis Banks and Russell Means

won court cases charging them with trespass.

Alcatraz- Inspired Protests

Activists seized on AIM momentum to pursue

other Native American needs and aspirations. To

acquire property for the Daybreak Star Cultural

Center, on March 8, 1970, Grace Thorpe coordi-

nated the reclamation of Fort Lawton south of

Seattle, Washington. AIM leaders seized the land

to relieve a dearth of cultural opportunities for

offered to staff a proposed Bureau of Caucasian

Affairs to teach white students native- style edu-

cation, lifestyle, and religion. Combatants pro-

posed reestablishing traditional education,

spirituality, healing, and training for young In-

dians on living in harmony with the land.

AIM and the Press

After setting up makeshift quarters in cellblocks

and the warden’s residence, AIM squatters in-

tended to gain permanent possession of the

abandoned island. Over the next year and a half,

the occupation drew media attention to Indian

vital statistics—short life spans, high child mor-

tality, malnutrition, limited health care and edu-

cation, exposure to nuclear wastes and pollutants,

gangs, family and community violence, and alco-

holism and teen suicide worsened by unemploy-

A group of Native Americans celebrates the 1969 takeover

of Alcatraz Island in San Francisco harbor. The nascent

American Indian Movement joined with other groups in the

occupation, which both catalyzed that extremist or ga ni za-

tion and publicized its cause. (Ralph Crane/Stringer/Time

& Life Pictures/Getty Images)

American Indian Movement 15

U.S. marshals seized 80 women and 26 men for

trespass on land superintended by the Depart-

ment of the Interior. On June 15, squatters moved

on to Big Bend, California, to camp on 53,000 acres

(21,450 hectare) of traditional homeland owned by

the Paciﬁ c Gas and Electric Company. To publicize

peaceful intent, AIM members planted a garden

and erected a traditional round house. More ar-

rests for building illegal ﬁ res ended with mass jail-

ings in Susanville and the transfer of AIM members

to additional cells in Sacramento.

Thorpe’s faith in women’s skill at alleviating

injustice fed additional AIM projects and fueled

the formation of the National American Indian

Women’s Action Corps. On November 3, 1970, she

again alerted the press to AIM objectives after 40

dissidents occupied a 647- acre (262- hectare) Nike

missile base, surplus government land outside Da-

vis, Colorado. By April 2, 1971, the seizure of the

Army communication center advanced AIM plans

to open Deganawidah- Quetzalcoatl University, a

pan- Indian educational center for Chicanos and

Native Americans. The handover of land to Indi-

ans and Chicanos satisﬁ ed occupiers of Alcatraz

with a signiﬁ cant victory for cultural growth. On

July 7, Thorpe began teaching a course at the uni-

versity on methods of reclaiming surplus land.

Dramatic Headlines

In its third year, AIM deviated from group strat-

egy by formulating individual courses of action.

In September 1970, a busload of AIM members

traveled to Mount Rushmore, a sacred site in

South Dakota, to protest Indian displacement

from traditional lands. At a kiosk, Indians de-

molished a display of anti- Indian postcards and

trinkets and seized prints of whites triumphing

over dead Sioux. Russell Means was so outraged

that he accused tourists of buying ghoulish pic-

tures reminiscent of Jews gassed by Nazis at

Auschwitz and Dachau. Lakota historian Leh-

man L. Brightman of Pinole, California, the

found er of United Native Americans, delivered

an impromptu lecture on George Washington’s

and Abraham Lincoln’s predations against Indi-

ans. During the night, Means and two AIM ring-

leaders scaled the Rushmore summit, where

Means scolded whites below by pretending to be

God delivering the Ten Commandments. The

occupation lasted until the December snows.

Northwestern Indians. Demonstrators relied on

experienced leaders, including the actor Jane

Fonda; Leonard Peltier of Grand Forks, North

Dakota; Grace Thorpe; and a handful of others.

Followers, adults and children alike, covered ra-

zor wire with blankets to gain access. Observing

nonviolent methods, they raised tepees on mili-

tary property and drummed and sang in tradi-

tional folk circles. The conclusion of the sit- in was

a scramble, as armed military police (MP) chased

the 100 demonstrators through blackberry bram-

bles. While pursuers clubbed and beat 77 adults,

the youn gest AIM squatters remained behind to

torch barracks.

On March 12, 1970, AIM leaders misled fed-

eral agents by fostering rumors of renewed mili-

tancy at Alcatraz. Instead, dissidents, many of

them veterans of the Alcatraz action, launched a

second Fort Lawton invasion on March 15. El-

der ly and young insurgents deﬁ ed two military

companies dispatched to secure the fort. Among

the trespassers was Thorpe, whose removal to a

stockade required the combined force of three

MPs. A three- week protest of police brutality

generated Resurrection City, a folk vigil at the

fort gates. A brief foray at the east gate on April 2

resulted in the third trespass at Fort Lawton to

demand that 10,000 acres (4,050 hectare) of unoc-

cupied government land be returned to Indians.

Through some 500 onlookers and sympathizers,

Fonda, Peltier, and 13 others escaped MPs, but

federal agents arrested the 15 dissenters in Seat-

tle. In 1977, AIM claimed victory after the Day-

break Star Cultural Center opened on surplus

government land in Seattle under the direction

of Bernie Whitebear and members of the IAT.

The center began offering conference space, a

Head Start program, powwow locations, and an

art gallery featuring Native American works.

Recovering Homelands

AIM ﬁ red Indian radicals with rage at past centu-

ries of injustice. On June 6, 1970, Cree singer Buffy

Sainte- Marie of Saskatchewan, Pit River Indian

advocate Marie Lego, Richard Oakes, Grace

Thorpe, and other veterans of the initial Alcatraz

seizure aided the Pit River Indians of northern

California in retaking native lands lost to the fed-

eral government as part of the Lassen National

Forest. The intended occupation failed after 82

16 American Indian Movement

Ohitika Win) of Rosebud, South Dakota, author

of the best- selling books Lakota Woman (1990) and

Ohitika Woman (1993), began demonstrating for

AIM. Their activities involved disrupting biased

courtroom proceedings and joining the “skull

wars,” a group effort to halt the pillaging, objecti-

ﬁ cation, and display of native remains in exhibi-

tions such as those at the Southwest Museum in

Los Angeles. Fueling AIM’s face- off against an-

thropologists was the bile of radical historian

Vine Deloria, Jr., author of the bitterly satiric dia-

tribe Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto

(1969). To preserve ancestors’ dignity, Mary Crow

Dog blocked archaeological digs at ancient na-

tive burial grounds, a project furthered by Hopi-

Miwok poet and anthropologist Wendy Rose,

who had protected a burial site from bulldozers

in San Jose, California. Another securer of native

graves, Clyde Bellecourt, or ga nized 40 AIM mem-

bers at Denver, Colorado, on September 27, 1971,

to protest the anthropological collection of Indian

skeletons. The Indians overran a laboratory at

Colorado State University to reclaim bones. Law-

breakers charged scientists with disinterring the

dead, riﬂ ing burial offerings, disrespecting native

ritual and humanity, and grave robbing.

In mid- July 1972, AIM grave protectors led

by Bellecourt trespassed on a dig or ga nized by

archaeologist David W. Nystuen outside Welch,

Minnesota. On Sturgeon Lake Road at Prairie

Island, radicals reclaimed artifacts dating to the

1500s that 45 students from the Twin Cities Insti-

tute for Talented Youth had taken from a Sioux

village. Nonviolent raiders exposed ﬁ lm to light,

conﬁ scated tools, backﬁ lled trenches, and burned

ﬁ eld notes detailing tomb desecration. Deloria

regretted that the student archaeologists could

not comprehend AIM’s outrage at the irreverent

depersonalization of ancestral graves. The bold

confrontation with scientists and curators cre-

ated antipathies throughout the Americas with

museums, universities, and private collectors

and with trafﬁ ckers in native exotica.

Means and the Media

With dramatic ﬂ air, AIM leader Means pursued

justice for Indians by forcing their social and eco-

nomic diminution into the public consciousness.

When AIM repeated the monument-climbing

stunt at Mount Rushmore on June 6, 1971, park

At Plymouth, Massachusetts, three and a half

centuries after Eu ro pe ans settled in New En-

gland, Means applied his attention- getting meth-

ods to a march and protest on Thanksgiving Day,

November 18, 1970. After pro cessing four miles

(6.4 kilometers) to drumming and singing, Banks

upended a dining table that white organizers

had spread with traditional dishes. Means then

abetted dissidents from 25 tribes in occupying

the model two- master Mayﬂ ower II, a symbol of

Eu ro pe an insurgency moored at Plimoth Planta-

tion as a tourist attraction. Tourists ﬂ ed as AIM

members ripped up the gangplank and threat-

ened to toss overboard mannequins dressed like

En glish leaders Captain John Smith and Miles

Standish. Means delivered a speech from an ex-

hibit of Massasoit, chief of the Wampanoag, who

welcomed the pilgrims. That night, in the words

of Robert Burnette, chair of Rosebud Reservation,

Means “revealed his bizarre knack for staging

demonstrations” by painting Plymouth Rock red,

a color emblematic of Indian deﬁ ance, and by

burying the landmark under sand.

In Minneapolis on May 16, 1971, AIM leader-

ship demanded that the federal government hand

over the abandoned Twin Cities Naval Air Station

to Indians for development into a cultural and

educational center. A parallel action over ﬁ ve days

at a naval air station in Milwaukee resulted in

armed conﬂ ict and arrests. On August 14, 1971,

an AIM contingent overran the abandoned Coast

Guard lifeboat station at McKinley Beach in Mil-

waukee. To demonstrate the group’s protection-

ism of Native Americans, AIM established a school

for 70 pupils and staffed a halfway house to reha-

bilitate alcoholics and ex- convicts. In spring 1972,

militancy increased at Cass Lake, Minnesota,

where AIM leaders armed themselves at a tribal

convention center to demand that councils take

aggressive action to restore native ﬁ shing rights.

More troubling to AIM was the death in jail cells

of three Indians. At Fort Totten Indian Reserva-

tion, North Dakota, on April 23, 1972, 30 Ojibwa

and Lakota members held a sit- in protesting po-

lice brutality.

Skull Wars

Under the spiritual inﬂ uence of medicine man

Leonard Crow Dog, Lakota Sioux memoirist

Mary Crow Dog (also called Mary Brave Bird or

American Indian Movement 17

rangers summoned the South Dakota National

Guard. On July 4, 1971, Means opposed an In de-

pen dence Day celebration by arranging a peace-

ful demonstration. To draw attention to sacrilege

on Sioux homelands, he dressed in traditional

costume and held a prayer vigil. Police arrested

20 campers for climbing to the top of the national

monument. Charges of trespass ended with a

court dismissal. Of his bold deeds, Means later

remarked, “I was learning and experiencing be-

ing an Indian. That’s what was important to me.”

In late February 1972, Means and Banks en-

gineered a protest by 1,300 residents of Gordon,

Nebraska. The mob forced police to charge white

brothers Leslie D. and Melvin P. Hare with mur-

dering Raymond Yellow Thunder. The white kill-

ers had humiliated and tortured Yellow Thunder

on February 12 at an American Legion dance hall

in Gordon, then dumped him into the trunk of a

car. At the small off- reservation town, Means an-

nounced with deadly calm, “We’ve come here to-

day to put Gordon on the map . . . and if justice is

not immediately forthcoming, we’re going to

take Gordon off the map.” On March 4, 1972,

Means’s per sis tence produced the ﬁ rst conviction

of a white murderer of an Indian in Nebraska

history. A judge sent Leslie Hare to Nebraska

State Penitentiary for six years and Melvin Hare

for two years. The feeling of accomplishment

among Indians boosted AIM membership.

Trail of Broken Treaties

Near the end of 1972, in the months preced-

ing the presidential election, group solidarity

brought AIM one of its major victories. Some

2,000 participants formed a caravan to Washing-

ton, DC, over a route called the “Trail of Broken

Treaties,” an action that Deloria proclaimed a

native Declaration of In de pen dence. Planned in

August 1972 at the Rosebud Sioux annual festi-

val, the pro cession was the idea of Banks, Means,

Assiniboin- Dakota journalist Hank Adams, and

Robert Burnette, president of Rosebud Reserva-

tion, in cooperation with the American Indian

Committee on Alcohol and Drug Abuse, Na-

tional American Indian Council, National Indian

Brotherhood, National Indian Leadership Train-

ing, National Indian Youth Council, and Native

American Rights Fund. Before the motorcade

departed, the murder of Mohawk leader Richard

Oakes on September 20, 1972, jolted AIM leaders

to further antipathy toward the devaluation of

native lives. The shooting by a white YMCA

guard never came to trial.

In fall 1972, the Trail of Broken Treaties pro-

cession converged and set out from Seattle. Over

the route through Billings, Montana, and Mil-

waukee, Wisconsin, members halted to solicit

funds. They reached the nation’s capital on No-

vember 3. Clyde Bellecourt summarized Indian

outrage: “We’re the landlords of this country,

and we’re here to collect our overdue rent.” A

veteran of the Plymouth Rock demonstration,

Anna Mae Pictou Aquash, a Micmac from Shu-

benacadie, Nova Scotia, related to Bureau of In-

dian Affairs (BIA) ofﬁ cials the Native American

hardships she recalled from growing up in pov-

erty on a reservation and from attending classes

with racist children.

On November 3, 1972, the reluctance of leg-

islators to discuss Indian grievances or to offer

shelter to el der ly marchers inspired Aquash and

some 400 dissidents to seize the BIA from Direc-

tor William Murdoch and to evict the ofﬁ ce staff.

The radicals, including Aquash’s friend, author

Mary Crow Dog, occupied the federal facility for

a week. During the stalemate, AIM members

renamed the building the American Indian

Embassy and welcomed a notable supporter,

LaDonna Harris, a Comanche activist from

Oklahoma and president of Americans for In-

dian Opportunity. AIM insurgents accessed ﬁ les

to prove BIA malfeasance of land and mineral

rights. Means threatened black police with the

same tortures that Plains Indians inﬂ icted on

buffalo soldiers, the all-black U.S. Tenth Cavalry

charged with peacekeeping on the plains. He

viliﬁ ed President Nixon by appearing on the six

o’clock news in war dress with a paper shield pic-

turing the chief executive. The government

ended the sit- in on November 8, 1972, by grant-

ing immunity to dissidents and providing them

with cash for transportation home.

Wounded Knee

Some three months later, a subsequent native tri-

umph, the controversial Wounded Knee clash,

occurred on the Pine Ridge Reservation in South

Dakota. In recompense for past genocidal acts,

radicals from AIM and the Oglala Sioux Civil

18 American Indian Movement

militia outgunned 200 protesters with armored

vehicles, grenade launchers, explosives, he li cop-

ters, and F-4 Phantom jets. Government agents

started grass ﬁ res to level undergrowth and cut

off supply lines to starve out the insurgents. At

roadblocks, federal ofﬁ cers arrested sympathizers

for stockpiling canned goods and winter clothing

and for ferrying supplies to the siege site. To

lengthen the standoff, Rocky Madrid, a Chicano

medic, and Bill Zimmerman, a psychologist and

later the author of Airlift to Wounded Knee (1976),

raised funds for a secret predawn airdrop of food,

soap, tobacco, garden seeds, and medicine on the

ﬁ ftieth day of the occupation. On March 6, dur-

ing the ﬁ rst of the Wounded Knee airlifts, under

machine- gun ﬁ re, the duo landed a planeload of

medical goods on the highway.

Air support lengthened the occupation of

Wounded Knee. Traveling from Rapid City, South

Dakota, on April 17 in three single- engine planes,

lead pi lots Madrid and Zimmerman looked for

smoky signal ﬁ res before dropping seven netted

bundles containing nearly a ton of food. Messages

packed in the bundles informed AIM members

that non- Indians in the outside world supported

their effort. Banks credited the unforeseen sup-

port from whites to the Great Spirit. Chagrined

by the morale- boosting ﬂ ight, the FBI ﬁ red at In-

dian children retrieving duffel bags stuffed with

groceries and impounded the rented planes. Au-

thorities indicted a planner of the ﬂ ights, Larry

Levin, for aiding and abetting rioters. The Nixon

Administration dropped the charge in 1974.

Life amid Chaos

In the eighth month of pregnancy, Mary Crow

Dog traveled to the action at Wounded Knee

and observed medicine man Leonard Crow Dog

ministering to victims of gunﬁ re with herbs.

Crude surgical removal of an M-16 bullet in the

gut saved the life of Rocky Madrid. Under ﬁ re,

Mary gave birth to Pedro, her ﬁ rst child. Partici-

pants Frank Clearwater of Cherokee, North Car-

olina, and Lawrence “Buddy” Lamont, a Vietnam

veteran, died in a barrage of M-16 ﬁ re and tear

gas; 15 of the Indian paramilitary were wounded.

The killing of Lamont, Mary’s uncle, forced her

to attend to the burial of a relative. Upon leaving

Wounded Knee, she was arrested. Indians aban-

doned their occupancy on May 8.

R i g h t s O r g a n i z a t i o n d e m a n d e d t h e r e t u r n o f

ancestral Sioux grounds, in par tic u lar the sacred

Black Hills. At the time, AIM claimed 4,500

members and 67 chapters. Leaders re- ignited In-

dian fervor at a poignant site, Wounded Knee,

the location of the U.S. Seventh Cavalry massa-

cre on December 29, 1890, of Minneconjou La-

kota children, women, and el der ly. Under the

leadership of Chief Big Foot, victims had fallen

on snowy ground under an assault of Hotchkiss

guns. The abandoned corpses, initially num-

bered at 153 with the ﬁ nal count rising to 300,

froze in grotesque positions that preserved their

ﬁ nal agonies. Backed by dissident Madonna

Thunder Hawk, Oglala Sioux elder Gladys Bis-

sonette demanded action to honor ancestors

killed at the Wounded Knee massacre.

On the eve ning of February 27, 1973, Means

and a contingent of 350 mostly women, children,

and teens joined elders, holy men, and chiefs in

seizing Sacred Heart Catholic Church from the

parish priest, Father Paul Manhart. Near graves of

those slain at the Wounded Knee onslaught of

1890, the AIM contingent looted a museum and a

trading post. The reaction of the FBI and the me-

dia convinced the lawbreakers that they would

die on the scene like their ancestors for blatant

civil disobedience. Sally Hat gave lessons in the

Lakota language, and Aquash. Her husband, artist

Nogeeshik Aquash from Walpole Island, Ontario,

and Oscar Bear Runner, a veteran of World War II

living in nearby Porcupine, South Dakota, pro-

tected combatants at the 71- day protest by digging

bunkers in frozen earth and by sand bagging

trenches. AIM leaders outwitted FBI agents by

threading through rough, snow- covered hill coun-

try to supply participants with food and medicine.

Armed mainly with hunting riﬂ es, AIM combat-

ants faked extensive recruitment and ﬁ repower

by rotating the use of their one AK- 47 at different

bunkers, drilling non ex is tent platoons, faking the

sound of a .50- caliber gun with coordinated shot-

gun blasts, and painting a stovepipe to resemble a

bazooka or an anti- tank gun. For their clever psy-

chological advantage, the FBI labeled AIM one of

America’s most dangerous criminal menaces.

Winter- to- Spring Siege

When the occupation by AIM shock troops esca-

lated into the Second Battle of Wounded Knee,

American Indian Movement 19

interfering with federal ofﬁ cers at Wounded Knee,

a charge that also applied to participants Carter

Camp and Stan Holder. After Leonard began a 23-

year prison sentence at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania,

Mary moved to New York City and mounted an

appeal for his release under the advice of attorney

William Kunstler. During her struggle, she com-

pleted a feminist classic, Lakota Woman, which re-

mained unpublished for 11 years.

Tribulations of Aquash and Peltier

On June 26, 1975, the execution- style deaths of

wounded FBI agents Jack Coler and Ron Williams

at the Jumping Bull compound in Oglala, South

Dakota, worsened antagonism between Indi-

ans and ofﬁ cials. Inﬁ ltrators arrested Anna Mae

Aquash, who feared for her life during lengthy

interrogations and FBI coercion to reveal AIM

hiding places. She jumped bail and escaped to

Oregon, where federal agents arrested her again

on November 24 and returned her in chains to

Pine Ridge. Assassinated by a bullet to the head

on December 12, 1975, and abandoned in a ravine

at an overlook near Kadoka, South Dakota, she

was listed as a Jane Doe upon the discovery of her

remains on February 24, 1976. Decking her bier

was an AIM ﬂ ag and a newspaper clipping show-

ing her shackled in police custody. Her family

chopped her cofﬁ n with axes and bound her in

blankets on an elevated log scaffold to display

their outrage at government attempts to dishonor

Sioux heritage and to cover up her murder.

In 1977, AIM achieved additional press cov-

erage during the controversial indictment of

Darrelle Dean “Dino” Butler, James Theodore

Ea gle, Leonard Peltier, and Robert Eugene Ro-

bideau for the shooting deaths of FBI agents Jack

Coler and Ron Williams. The government delib-

erately separated the men from AIM to weaken

its leadership and subvert its cause. The prosecu-

tors’ shoddy case, coercion of witnesses, and in-

consistent identiﬁ cation of the murder weapon

and the shooter’s vehicle preceded exoneration

of Butler, Ea gle, and Robideau on July 16. To bal-

ance accounts between disgruntled FBI and

AIM, federal agents turned Peltier into a scape-

goat. He became a folk hero after he began two

consecutive life terms at Leavenworth Federal

Penitentiary, Kansas, and later at the federal

penitentiary in Marion, Illinois.

According to Means’s autobiography, Where

White Men Fear to Tread (1997), in the aftermath of

the second siege at Wounded Knee, Indian mili-

tants faced months of investigation and litigation

following 562 arrests, including that of Anna

Mae Aquash. The frivolous federal legal battle

resulted in only 15 guilty verdicts but bank-

rupted AIM. Both Banks and Means faced con-

victions for inciting a riot. Banks ﬂ ed to Salt Lake

City, Utah, and then to asylum in California.

Government counterinsurgency methods offered

immunity to federal- backed reservation thugs

who extended random violence against AIM dis-

sidents into March 1976. Over a three- year pe-

riod, AIM lost 69 members killed at Pine Ridge;

another 340 suffered serious injuries due to as-

sault. The FBI failed to prosecute any of the per-

petrators on charges of conspiracy but did arrest

Means for an outstanding warrant. After serving

30 days in jail, Means concluded that the siege

“was and is the catalyst for the rebirth of our

self- dignity and pride in being Indians.” On May

27, 2007, a made- for- tele vi sion ﬁ lm, Bury My

Heart at Wounded Knee, honored the same native

sufferings that AIM protested.

Arrest of Leonard Crow Dog

The AIM warrior society provided the only hope

for traditional Oglala Lakota residents against

the coercion of Pine Ridge Reservation president

Dick Wilson and the Guardians of the Oglala

Nation (GOONs), a paramilitary unit under Wil-

son’s direction. On return to the reservation in

spring 1975, Mary Crow Dog advocated greater

membership of women in AIM. She joined a

confrontation with South Dakota state troopers

at the trial of the killer of Wesley Bad Heart Bull,

who bled to death from a knife wound in the

chest. The peaceful demonstration erupted into

rioting and arson that scorched the Custer court-

house. Police intervention resulted in the arrests

of AIM leaders Banks and Means. Mary Crow

Dog turned immediately to the aid of traditional

Indians at Pine Ridge, where Wilson’s hirelings,

armed by the federal government, threatened

homes with drive- by shootings.

After Mary’s marriage to Leonard Crow Dog,

FBI surveillance of AIM members increased. In

September 1973, SWAT team members invaded

her home and arrested Leonard for assault and for

20 American Indian Movement

Justice from Pine Ridge Village to Whiteclay, a

border town known as a booze market and der-

elict hangout. Elders sanctiﬁ ed the march with

prayer. The arrival of 1,400 sympathizers pro-

duced a sizable demonstration in Whiteclay. On

July 3, a second pro cession stirred rock- and mud-

throwing and ended with nine arrests after dis-

sidents riﬂ ed a reputedly anti- Indian grocery

store. To prevent violence, AIM demonstrators

shielded some 600 angry Indians from retaliation

by Nebraska state troopers. Within days of the

upheaval, Whiteclay resumed steady business

selling alcohol to inebriated Indians.

Late Twentieth- and

Twenty- First- Century Activism

AIM redirected its protests and demonstrations

in the 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s from sovereignty

issues to native heritage and a revival of tradi-

tional ways. At the Crystal River Archaeological

State Park, 70 miles (113 kilometers) northwest of

Tampa, Florida, AIM director Sheridan Murphy

in 1985 protested the disinterring of ﬁ ve Timuc-

uan graves dating to 500 B.C.E. His group ex-

panded the protectionism to native burial

mounds in Bradenton, Dayton, Fort Myers, Jack-

sonville, Melbourne, Ocala, Port Charlotte, St.

Augustine, St. Petersburg, Tallahassee, and Tar-

pon Springs. In 1987, Banks protested violations

of cemetery sanctity in Uniontown, Kentucky,

where diggers uncovered 1,200 native tombs.

He led volunteers in reinterring remains and

proposed state legislation making grave robbery

a felony. According to Mary Crow Dog, AIM

leaders threatened to disinter white remains

and to exhibit them in glass cases. In December

1992, the Florida AIM chapter seized the Moog

Midden/Yat Kitischee Indigenous grave com-

plex at Indian Station cemetery near Clearwater

on Old Tampa Bay. An unofﬁ cial security force

held the burial ground for four months to con-

trol looting of Manasota remains dating to 4000

B.C.E. Leaders insisted that sheriff’s deputies

patrol the cemetery.

A similar AIM action in 1993 involved the

construction of the Sanctuary Golf Course in New

Lenox, Illinois, southwest of Chicago. Citing the

Illinois Human Skeletal Remains Protection Act

of 1989, AIM leaders demanded a halt to the exca-

vation of a prehistoric village and burial ground

With a documentary, Incident at Oglala: The

Leonard Peltier Story (1991), ﬁ lmmaker Robert

Redford raised questions about the government

violation of Indian civil rights by its counterin-

telligence methods and by targeting Mike An-

derson and Myrtle Poor Bear as well as Anna

Mae Aquash only days before her murder to

provide false testimony against Peltier. AIM’s

predictions of government greed and corrup-

tion proved true after the Department of the

Interior seized rights to uranium deposits at

Pine Ridge in the sacred Black Hills.

Walks for Justice

In the wake of betrayal, conﬂ icting testimony,

and lost leadership, AIM’s activism in the 1970s

revealed a subdued mood and nobler, less violent

goals and methods. On February 11, 1978, Banks

and his Oglala Sioux wife, Darlene “Kamook”

Nichols, a veteran of the Gordon, Nebraska, pro-

test, launched a spiritual Indian revival in Cali-

fornia. By assembling 30,000 Indians from 80

tribes at Davis, California, and by setting out

from Alcatraz for a 3,600- mile (5,800- kilometer)

journey to Washington, DC, they initiated the

Longest Walk, a protest of pending anti- Indian

bills in Congress. In contrast to the aggressive ac-

tions at Alcatraz, Mount Rushmore, and Wounded

Knee, the pro cession, one of the strongest dis-

plays of Indian solidarity in U.S. history, reached

the capital on July 15. Leaders met with U.S. Vice

President Walter Mondale to discuss Indian re-

patriation, and Means accosted Senator Edward

Kennedy (D-MA) to denounce the potential

weakening of treaty rights. The AIM message in-

corporated the welfare and future of all indige-

nous people by demanding the dismantling of

the Bureau of Indian Affairs and a reassessment

of past negotiations.

On June 8, 1999, recovery outside Whiteclay,

Nebraska, of the corpses of two Oglala Lakota

cousins, Wilson Black Elk and Ronald Hard

Heart, precipitated additional peaceful civil dis-

obedience. Bludgeoned to death, the victims died

much like Wesley Bad Heart Bull and Raymond

Yellow Thunder, both victims of white rowdies.

Led by Banks, Bellecourt, Means, and Tom Poor

Bear, Wilson’s brother and a veteran of the

Wounded Knee siege, 600 protesters rallied on

June 26 for a two- mile (3.2-kilometer) Walk for

Animal Liberation Front 21

for protesting injustice. In lieu of the federal Co-

lumbus holiday, native dissidents proposed an

All Nations Day to honor multiple cultures for

establishing America’s greatness.

Further Reading

American Indian Movement ofﬁ cial Web site: www .

aimovement .org

Churchill, Ward. Perversions of Justice: Indigenous Peoples and

Angloamerican Law. San Francisco: City Lights, 2003.

Churchill, Ward, and Jim Vander Wall. Agents of Repression:

The FBI’s Secret Wars Against the Black Panther Party and

the American Indian Movement. Cambridge, MA: South

End, 2002.

Edmunds, R. David. The New Warriors: Native American

Leaders Since 1900. Lincoln: University of Nebraska

Press, 2004.

Johnson, Troy R. The Occupation of Alcatraz Island: Indian

Self- Determination and the Rise of Indian Activism. Urbana:

University of Illinois Press, 1996.

Matthiessen, Peter. In the Spirit of Crazy Horse. New York:

Viking, 1983.

Means, Russell. Where White Men Fear to Tread: The Autobiog-

raphy of Russell Means. New York: St. Martin’s, 1997.

Mihesuah, Devon A. Repatriation Reader: Who Owns Ameri-

can Indian Remains? Lincoln: University of Nebraska

Press, 2000.

Animal Liberation Front

A British radical movement to halt fox hunting,

the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) morphed into

a separate entity in the United States in 1977 to

protect animals from torture. Acting on what

James Jasper and Dorothy Nelkin, authors of The

Animal Rights Crusade (1992), refer to as welfarism,

the group has overreached the deﬁ nition of civil

disobedience to propose full- ﬂ edged criminal

action to save animals from arbitrary suffering

and death. From the beginning, anonymous un-

derground liberators dressed in ski masks to

conceal their skullduggery. Acting in de pen-

dently, they orchestrated the “Green Scare” by

targeting circuses, zoos, fur farms, agribusiness,

and university and research laboratories, all of

which they claim violate the rights of animals.

ALF activists have protested the brutal cag-

ing, experimental surgeries, and slaughter of

myriad animals—cats, coyotes, guinea pigs, mar-

mosets, rabbits, rats, woodchucks—for the sake

of pharmaceutical, chemical, food- pro cessing,

and cosmetic ﬁ rms. More damning in the eyes of

ALF members is the torment of elephants, lions,

of the Miami tribe covering 230 acres (93 hectare).

To circumvent land developers, AIM patrolled the

site and nominated it for listing with the National

disturbers of ancient Chumash and Salina dead.

A subsequent action on October 30, 1999, at Reedy

Mound in New Port Richey, Florida, drew media

attention to ofﬁ cial disregard of grave plunder-

ing by amateur archaeologists. Eyewitnesses pro-

duced videos of the removal of jaws, skulls, and

limb bones. More detestable to AIM leader Ruby

Beaulieu, an Ojibwa elder and environmentalist,

was the bulldozing of the ancient Reedy Mound

cemetery by Castle Keep Storage Company and

the T. L. Hunt Construction Company. In June

2001, Sheridan Murphy, the director of the Flor-

ida chapter, called for help in protecting human

remains interred at the Little Salt Spring sinkhole

in Sarasota County from theft. Searchers have lo-

cated wooden artifacts and a tortoise shell dating

to 10,000 B.C.E., attesting to Paleo- Indian hunting

methods at the hourglass- shaped sinkhole, plac-

ing the area in competition for the earliest human

habitation in North America. AIM interrupted a

six- year program of on- site instruction by the Uni-

versity of Miami in skeletal removal and analysis.

Indians versus Columbus

In 2004, Shawnee activist Glenn T. Morris, a po-

liti cal science teacher at the University of Colo-

rado, or ga nized Transform Columbus Day, a

protest in Denver of the celebration of Indian

genocide. On October 9, participants Yank Bad-

hand, a Lakota elder, and George Edward “Tink”

Tinker, an Osage theologian, blocked a tradi-

tional Sons of Italy parade in a consciousness-

raising exercise to citizens unaware of native

losses to Eu ro pe ans. AIM chose Denver as the

site of the demonstration because Colorado was

the ﬁ rst state to lionize Columbus.

AIM had history on its side. Shoshone spokes-

woman Carrie Dann, a human rights activist,

accused Columbus of initiating North American

genocide against the indigenous race. Signs and

banners stripped Columbus of his fame by

mourning the Taino Indians whom Spaniards

obliterated from the Bahamas and Greater and

Lesser Antilles in the Ca rib be an. AIM attorneys

invoked the ethnic intimidation law to free the

201 adults and 44 children arrested in Denver

22 apartheid

vert ALF saboteurs used explosives to shut down

Cavel West, Inc., a horse slaughter house in Red-

mond, Oregon, that harvested equine tissue for

transplant to humans. That same year on October

24, Justin Clayton Samuel and Peter Daniel Young

violated the Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act

through the release of thousands of caged animals

at mink ranches in Iowa and South Dakota and in

Sheboygan, Wisconsin. Both men were targets of

FBI sweeps. After Young’s capture in 2005, he served

a prison sentence. Frontal assaults on abattoirs

continued in May 1998, with $500,000 in damage

to Florida Veal Pro cessors in Wimauma.

In the twenty- ﬁ rst century, the U.S. Depart-

ment of Homeland Security branded ALF as a

terrorist league. In January 2000, nurse Pamelyn

Ferdin, an activist for Stop Huntington Animal

Cruelty, served 30 days in a California jail for

brandishing an elephant bullhook at an anti-

circus protest at Pierce College in Woodland Hills.

A second offense on June 22, 2006, tripled her

cell time for trespassing near the residence of

Guerdon Stuckey, a Los Angeles animal ser vices

supervisor. Ferdin’s husband, Jerry Vlasak, a

physician, challenged the U.S. Senate in October

2005 with the declaration that the murder of

vivisectionists is a morally justiﬁ able defense of

animal victims. In 2006, scenarist Shannon Keith

produced a ﬁ lm honorarium, Behind the Mask:

The Story of the People Who Risk Everything to Save

Animals. The ﬁ lm served ALF as propaganda

against animal torturers.

Further Reading

Animal Liberation Front ofﬁ cial Web site: www .animal

liberationfront .com

Judson, Karen. Animal Testing. Salt Lake City: Benchmark,

2006.

Newkirk, Ingrid. Free the Animals: The Story of the Animal

Liberation Front. New York: Lantern, 2000.

apartheid

In the mid- 1980s, per sis tent sit- ins at the South

African Embassy in Washington, DC, drew pub-

lic debate over tacit government support of apart-

heid, a grossly unbalanced system favoring rule

of black Africans by a racist and exploitive white

minority. Central to global denunciation was the

imprisonment since 1962 of black opposition

leader Nelson Mandela for guerrilla warfare

against white colonials. The breaking point in fall

dolphins, orcas, primates, and parrots for public

entertainment. Phi los o pher Steven Best, a de-

partment chair at the University of Texas at El

Paso, compares the pro- animal effort to aboli-

tionism before the Civil War, when clandestine

Underground Railroad operators cooperated

from state to state to rescue and release slaves. In

similar fashion, ALF members view animals as

worthy beings rather than expendable objects to

be used as amusements or technological or mili-

tary fodder.

ALF both rescues and educates by taping

cruel acts for public showing. The ﬁ rst action of

an “undersea railroad” on May 29, 1977, paired

economist Kenneth W. LeVasseur of the Univer-

sity of Massachusetts at Lowell and researcher

Steve Sipman in the liberation of two female At-

lantic bottlenose dolphins, Kea and Puka, from

naval community trials at the University of Ha-

waii marine laboratory in Honolulu, Oahu. On

May 28, 1984, a raid at the University of Pennsyl-

vania shamed lab psychologists for inﬂ icting

brain injury on baboons with a hydraulic ham-

mer. From stolen lab footage, People for the

Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) produced

Unnecessary Fuss (1984), a documentary ﬁ lm about

public apathy toward primate torture. The fol-

lowing year, the FBI trailed ALF to a veterinary

research lab at the University of California, Da-

vis, where lawbreakers rescued a ﬁ ve- week- old

stumptail macaque named Britches that was

blinded by crude twine sutures threaded through

its eyelids.

Ethical Crimes

Unlike or ga nized civil disobedience, ALF main-

tains a loose consortium of dissidents who act

nationwide under their own moral initiatives.

For Operation Bite Back, on February 28, 1992,

Rodney Adam Coronado, a Yaqui eco- anarchist

from Tucson, Arizona, chose arson as a means of

ending animal vivisection at Michigan State

University in East Lansing. He also uncaged

mink from a nearby breeding farm. Unchastened

by a $2 million lawsuit, he joined Matthew Cro-

zier on December 2, 2004, in destroying a moun-

tain lion trap at Sabino Canyon, Arizona.

Subsequent interventions spread animal

rights activism across the prairie states and West

and as far south as Florida. On July 21, 1997, co-

apartheid 23

before President Ronald Reagan’s reelection,

served as a “signal ﬁ re for social justice ﬁ ghters

across the country.” After their release from jail

the next day, the protesters called a media con-

ference to announce continued support for

South Africans. Anti- apartheid forces charged

the Reagan Administration with the indefensi-

ble favoring of a white minority, which had de-

meaned and suppressed black South Africans

since 1946. The demonstrators grew to 5,000 and

produced a daily crush outside the embassy,

forcing additional arrests. A disciple of Martin

Luther King, Jr., the Reverend Fauntroy, pastor

of the New Bethel Baptist Church in Washing-

ton, DC, forced President Reagan to meet with a

vocal critic, Anglican Bishop Desmond M. Tutu,

on December 6, 1984. A Senate veto of Reagan’s

pro- apartheid policies generated worldwide

sanctions against South African bigotry.

Further Reading

Tames, Richard. The End of Apartheid: A New South Africa.

Chicago: Heinemann Library, 2001.

1984 was President Pieter Willem Botha’s arrest

of all of South Africa’s black labor union, which

galvanized world outrage. The public censure of

blatant racism involved cooperation with black

students who incurred arrest on Thanksgiving

Day, November 22, 1984, for an illegal meeting of

Bernardus G. Fourie, South Africa’s ambassador

to the United States, with Mary Frances Berry,

chair of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights,

Congressman John Conyers (D-MI), Congress-

man Ronald “Ron” Vernie Dellums (D-CA), the

Reverend Walter Edward Fauntroy, Congress-

man Charles Arthur Hayes (D-IL), the Reverend

Joseph Echols Lowery of the Southern Christian

Leadership Conference, U.S. Civil Rights Com-

missioner Eleanor Holmes Norton, Congressman

Charles Bernard Rangel (D-NY), and Transafrica

found er Randall Robinson. During lawbreakers’

singing of “We Shall Overcome,” news cameras

captured the handcufﬁ ng and removal of Berry,

Fauntroy, and Robinson on charges of felonious

entry to the embassy.

According to Transafrica spokesman Bill

Fletcher, Jr., the civil action, held only weeks

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